The Pomp of Power: Black Mayoralties in Urban America*

Objectives. Although urban scholarship has come to better understand the dynamics of black political incorporation in the United States, to date scant empirical attention has been paid to an important element of minority representation in local politics—the rise of black mayors. The present study addresses this gap in the extant literature. Methods. We analyze incidences of black mayoralties by fitting standard pooled and random effects probit models to a panel of 309 cities observed between 1971 and 2000. Results. Although cities' racial profiles are strongly associated with the incidence of black mayoralties, black representation on city council, black educational attainment, and reformed governments increase the odds of black mayoral emergence. On the other hand, southern location continues to depress the rise of black mayoralties, as do partisan elections, particularly in cities where no racial group constitutes a majority. Conclusions. Although our results partially confirm extant research on the diffusion of black mayoralties in American urban politics, they also call into question conventional wisdom. Our study emphasizes the need for more large‐N studies of minority representation in urban politics and provides suggestions for how the independent effects of black mayors on municipal policy outcomes might subsequently be analyzed empirically.     

Racial Representation and U.S. Senate Apportionment*

Objectives. This research note explores whether the system of assigning each state equal representation in the U.S. Senate adversely affects racial minorities, groups that often have common political interests. We also project changes in minority representation over the next 20 years using Census data. Methods. We develop a new method of assessing racial bias due to apportionment, which calculates the number of seats lost by groups due to equal representation, a more substantively meaningful statistic than correlational measures. Results. We find that both African Americans and Hispanics are substantially underrepresented due to their greater presence in high‐population states as compared to in low‐population states. Whereas bias against African Americans appears to be falling, the demographic patterns of Hispanics will make them even more underrepresented in coming years. Conclusions. These findings are especially consequential considering that malapportionment has important public policy implications, including greater per‐capita distributive benefits for smaller states. Further, given that the Senate serves as a major veto point in U.S. politics, racial bias due to equal apportionment may have a significant impact on current and future political debates relevant to minority groups.     

Childcare Expansion in East Asia: Changing Shape of the Institutional Configurations in Japan and South Korea

The provision of childcare in Korea and Japan has traditionally been intensively conducted within the family. Recent social and demographic transformations have been profound and these have resulted in significant policy changes in both countries. This study examines the institutional configurations of the provisions of childcare among the state, market, and family and how they have changed in Korea and Japan over time. The institutional configurations were quantitatively evaluated based on an estimation of care time. Our findings suggest that care time provided in market and state facilities has become much larger in Japan than in Korea. In both countries, the care time provided by market facilities is much larger than in state facilities. Over the years, both market and state provisions of care have increased in Korea whereas state care provisions have decreased and market provisions have increased in Japan. However, this does not mean that the centralization of the family in the provision of childcare has shifted. In fact, the care time within the family has increased in both countries, suggesting that Korea and Japan have become more caring welfare states.     

Disentangling Constituency and Legislator Effects in Legislative Representation: Black Legislators or Black Districts?*

Objective. Does the race of a legislator or does the black population of a district best predict legislative roll‐call voting in the interests of African Americans? Due to methodological limitations, no prior study has found that both the race of the legislator and the black district population are significant predictors of congressional roll‐call voting. Drawing on post Shaw v. Reno/Miller v. Johnson congressional districts (with greater data variance), I examine the effect of these two racial representation variables on roll‐call voting in the 104th–106th Congresses. Methods. Linear regression with random effects is employed in two statistical models. Results. Even when the black district population and party are considered, the presence of an African‐American legislator leads to greater substantive representation of black constituents. Conclusion. Districting plans that maximize the election of black legislators and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of liberal voting in Congress, while districting plans that maximize black district populations and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of civil rights voting records in Congress.     

Partisanship and Support for Propositions on the Ballot: A State-Level Longitudinal Study

Objective . Previous studies suggest that there is reason to believe that changes in the partisan composition of a state's electorate will be associated with changes in the level of support for certain types of propositions on the ballot. Scholars, however, differ over the reasons for this relationship. Some have suggested the importance of party differences over substantive issues. Others have indicated the importance of differences among partisans in their willingness to defer to legislative judgments or recommendations. Still others have pointed to the importance of partisan cue taking; for example, that Republicans are more likely to vote for propositions put on the ballot by Republican legislatures and Democrats are likely to oppose such measures. We test these rival hypotheses. Methods . Using multivariate analysis and time series techniques, we examine voting patterns on 361 propositions submitted to voters in Arizona from 1912 to 1996. Results . We find that increases in the Republican vote were significantly linked to increase in support for measures submitted by state legislatures, particularly legislatures controlled by Republicans. Conclusions . The findings give some support to deference theory and to the notion that a subtle process of partisan cue taking may be involved in proposition voting.     

Public Opinion and Dynamic Representation in the American States: The Case of Environmental Attitudes*

Objective. We investigate causal processes linking environmental conditions, attitudes, and policies in the American states: Is public opinion about ecology shaped by environmental conditions? Are state policymakers responsive to environmental opinions? Does public opinion respond to policy adoption? Methods. Using public opinion data from the DDB Worldwide Life Style Survey to measure aggregate state attitudes about the environment, as well as measures of water quality and policy intervention, we capture the dynamics of representation in the American states on the environment during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Results. Our findings support a thermostatic model of representation—state environmental opinions are influenced by environmental conditions and are responsive to policy outputs alongside improved environmental conditions. Conclusions. This model of the opinion‐policy linkage refines our understanding of representation and focuses us not just on the passage of public policy to address public desires, but the effectiveness of that policy as well.     

Adult obesity prevalence and state policymaking in the United States: Is problem severity associated with more policies?

This study explores the relationship between adult obesity prevalence and obesity-related state policymaking in the United States. We examine whether 2009 obesity prevalence and the change in prevalence between 2000 and 2009 are associated with obesity-related state laws and regulations introduced or enacted between 2009 and 2011. Policies that exclusively target youth are eliminated from our analysis. Adult obesity prevalence increased in all 50 states over the decade studied, with a slight decrease in Washington, DC. Increases in prevalence are significantly associated with fewer policies in the South and Midwest Census regions and the East North Central and South Atlantic Census divisions. Findings suggest the need for greater advocacy and an opportunity for obesity to rise on state policy agendas.     

Social Policy: Now and Then

This article explores the way aspects of our approach to social policy in the UK have changed over the last 40 years – one academic lifetime and also, coincidentally, the lifetime of this journal – and the significance of six particular changes. More social problems have come to be seen as having a supra-national dimension: the scale and ramifications of problems are much better appreciated; the accepted territory of social policy has greatly widened; the state has lost people's confidence; we have come to see organizational and management issues as much more important; and the health of the economy has come to be regarded as a greater priority than the development of systems of social welfare.     

Petitions: Different Dimensions of Voice and Influence in the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly for Wales

The creation of the National Assembly for Wales and the Scottish Parliament not only saw a shift in responsibility and democratic accountability for many areas of policy, including significant areas of social policy, but also provided the opportunity for the Parliament and the Assembly to adopt ‘transformative reforms designed to expand the opportunities for citizens to connect with their governments’ ( Carman 2006 : 4). One such reform, which was associated with aims of increased access and openness, was the introduction of petitions systems in the new legislatures. Drawing on case studies from the devolved level, this article explores one of the less researched non‐traditional forms of participation to examine how and what petitions can contribute to social policy. In particular, it seeks to explore the extent to which petitions systems challenge or replicate existing inequalities; what voices and interests they enable to be heard; and what impact they can have on social policy and social policies.     

Decentring the NHS: A Case Study of Resource Allocation Decisions within a Health District

The aim of New Labour's health policy is to shift more of the balance of power and responsibility for services to the local level. But, while the government proclaims a new decentralized NHS, doubts exist about the extent to which the reality on the ground matches the tone of policy. This article reports empirical work examining the level of autonomy purchasers have over budgetary allocation. A case study analysis of purchasing within a single district was undertaken for the financial year 2001/2 which included semi‐structured interviews with key officers responsible for budget allocation. Purchasers approach a new financial year with a starting position that matches the previous year's allocation—the “baseline”, this is adjusted for inflation and, as has happened over the last few years, increased further in real terms by “growth funds” for service modernization and government initiatives. The analysis shows a clear dissonance between policy and practice; although purchasers have complete control over their “baseline budgets”, the study found that this does not “ring true” at the local level. Only about a fifth of growth funds were at the discretion of purchasers as most are taken by national priorities and pay and price inflation. Further decentralization is planned, which includes transferring more control of funds to primary care trusts by 2004, the extent to which these measures will change the perceptions of those working in the service remains to be seen—only then will the government be able to claim a truly decentred service.