Political Orientations and Naturalization Among Latino and Latina Immigrants*

Objective. This study adds to our knowledge of the naturalization process by considering the impact of political orientations in shaping the pursuit of U.S. citizenship among contemporary Latino and Latina immigrants. Methods. We draw on data from the 1999 Harvard/Kaiser/Washington Post “Latino Political Survey” and use ordered logistic regression analyses to test the effects of political orientations on immigrant naturalization. Results. Political orientations exert a powerful influence on naturalization beyond the traditional sociodemographic determinants. Furthermore, the impact of political orientations on naturalization varies by gender. Conclusions. Naturalization can be induced by stressing the importance of voting and being interested in politics. In addition, Latinas are more likely to pursue naturalization than Latinos and the factors driving their decisions systematically differ from those of their male counterparts.     

Assessing Cultural Assimilation of Mexican Americans: How Rapidly Do Their Gender‐Role Attitudes Converge to the U.S. Mainstream?*

Objective. This study assesses the pace of cultural assimilation of Mexican Americans by comparing changes in their gender‐role attitudes over generations to the European‐origin U.S. mainstream. Methods. Using cumulative data from the 1972–2004 General Social Survey, we examine the rate at which progressive generations of Mexican Americans approach the mainstream gender‐role attitudes. We also employ a set of logistic regressions to assess the differences in gender‐role attitudes between Mexican and European Americans. Results. For five out of the eight gender‐role‐related questions considered in the study, Mexican Americans of the third or later generations show more liberal or egalitarian gender‐role attitudes than those of the first or second generations. A comparison between Mexican and European Americans suggests that Mexican Americans in the sample have more conservative gender‐role attitudes than European Americans in terms of division of labor at home and women's participation in politics. Conclusion. Mexican Americans become more likely to adopt egalitarian gender‐role attitudes as generation progresses. The differences between Mexican and European Americans in terms of gender‐role attitudes are sensitive to the particular domains of attitudes under consideration.     

Understanding Mexican‐American Marriage Patterns Using a Life‐Course Approach*

Objective. Guided by a life‐course framework that incorporates the interconnection between marriage, migration, and other transitions, we critically examine the familism explanation for the earlier age at marriage among Mexican Americans. Methods. We compare the marriage patterns of Mexican immigrants derived from the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) to those of women living in Mexico derived from the Mexican Census. We then use data from the NSFG to estimate proportional hazard models of marriage using fixed variables such as parent's education and time‐varying variables such as school enrollment. Results. Analyses show that the Mexican immigrant population marries earlier than Mexicans who do not migrate to the United States. In addition, the U.S.‐born Mexican population has lower marriage rates than whites once family background characteristics associated with early marriage are controlled and Anglos are no less likely than Mexican Americans to marry in response to a pregnancy. Conclusion. We find reason to doubt that ethnic differentials are driven by a strong attachment to marriage, female chastity, and the “traditional” family. Although cultural factors may play an important role, researchers need to more carefully specify the aspects of Mexican culture that might encourage marriage and how these factors interrelate with economic and demographic constraints.     

Race/Ethnic Differences in Female Headship: Exploring the Assumptions of Assimilation Theory*

Objective. This article conducts a comparative analysis of temporal and generational patterns in Mexican‐American female headship compared to patterns for non‐Hispanic whites and non‐Hispanic blacks. These patterns are explored within two frameworks of assimilation, the more general assimilation perspective and the “segmented” assimilation perspective. Methods. Logistic regression analysis looking at female headship is conducted using the 1960–1990 IPUMS. Additional analyses use the 1995 CPS to look at intergenerational patterns of female headship, divorce, and nonmarital fertility among Mexican‐origin women relative to other groups of women. Results. Analysis using the IPUMS finds that U.S.‐born Mexican‐origin women have higher levels of female headship in every year compared to white women, and this difference has actually increased over time. Additionally, analysis using the 1995 CPS finds that while levels of female headship for second‐generation Mexican‐origin women are no higher, levels for third‐generation Mexican‐origin women far surpass those of white women. The high levels of female headship and the proportion of never married women with children in the household among third‐generation Mexican‐American women are startling and lend more support to a “segmented” assimilation framework.     

A Tale of Two Border Cities: Community Context,Ethnicity, and Homicide*

Objective. Using Poisson‐based negative binomial regression, we estimate the effect of neighborhood factors on homicides in two cities (San Antonio, Texas and San Diego, California) that have large Mexican‐origin populations. Methods. Three independent data sources (official homicide police reports, medical examiner records, and the U.S. Census) are used to construct the dependent homicide, and independent neighborhood, variables. Census tracts represent the unit of analysis, which serve as a proxy for neighborhoods. Given the spatial nature of the data, spatial estimation procedures were also modeled. Results. Spatial proximity to violence, neighborhood disadvantage, and affluence (in San Antonio) consistently buffered homicide across neighborhoods, even in heavily populated Latino neighborhoods. Conclusions. Spatial embeddedness and neighborhood characteristics are important for improving our understanding about ethnic neighborhood variations in levels of violence. Comparative approaches across places, namely, Latino‐dominated cities, can yield considerable insight into how the local context intersects race/ethnicity and violent crime.     

Stagnation of Heights Among Second‐Generation U.S.‐Born Army Personnel*

Objectives. The physical stature of a population is a useful supplementary indicator of the living standards of children and youth insofar as it is sensitive to income and medical care. It is, thus, somewhat of a conundrum that U.S. heights tended to stagnate between around the mid‐1950s to the mid‐1970s birth cohorts, an otherwise economically prosperous period. Because of the controversial nature of the finding based on the NHANES data sets we seek independent corroborating evidence. Methods. The height of U.S.‐born army personnel is analyzed in order to explore ethnic and second‐generation effects on height, in particular if these affect the trend among the birth cohorts of the 1950s and 1960s. We limit the regression analysis to U.S.‐born (non‐Hispanic) blacks and whites, controlling for ethnicity (own, mother's, and father's), foreign‐born parents, and region of their birth within the United States stratified by race and gender. Results. We find that none of the above variables affect the trend meaningfully: the height of U.S. military personnel tended to stagnate during the period considered. Only black males showed some improvement in height. Hence, the army data support the trends obtained from the civilian population, which cannot be controlled for second‐generation effects. Conclusion. The quality of nutritional intake and of medical care was not improving among children and youth in these decades in spite of the fact that the income of their parents was increasing.     

Cross‐Border Earnings of U.S. Natives Along the U.S.‐Mexico Border*

Objective. This study explores whether the earnings of U.S.‐born cross‐border workers differ from those of their U.S.‐employed counterparts. We also analyze whether the cross‐border/non‐cross‐border wage differential changed during the 1990s—a decade when U.S.‐Mexico trade intensified and the maquiladora industry expanded. Methods. Employing decennial U.S. Census data from 1990 and 2000, this article estimates earnings functions and uses wage decomposition analysis to study changes in the earnings of U.S.‐born Hispanic and non‐Hispanic cross‐border workers. Results. The number of U.S.‐native cross‐border workers, while relatively small, increased significantly between 1990 and 2000, as did their earnings. A closer examination reveals that this cross‐border earnings premium only developed among non‐Hispanics. Conclusions. These findings indicate that some U.S. natives find lucrative employment opportunities on the Mexican side of the border, which might be diminished by additional restrictions for U.S.‐born residents to easily cross back and forth into Mexico.     

Hispanic Ethnicity,Gender, and the Change in the LEP‐Earnings Penalty in the United States During the 1990s*

Objective. Although studies suggest that the earnings of limited‐English‐proficient (LEP) Hispanic men have recently improved relative to the English fluent, it remains unclear as to whether specific Hispanic groups experienced similar improvements. Methods. Using 1990 and 2000 U.S. Census data, this study employs regression, wage decomposition, and quantile regression analyses to examine how gender and Hispanic ethnicity relate to the LEP‐earnings penalty. Results. The LEP‐earnings penalty fell significantly for Mexican‐American men between 1990 and 2000. However, additional results suggest that this penalty increased for Cuban‐American men and women (and, to a lesser extent, for Mexican‐American women). Conclusions. Expanding trade and ethnic networks as well as reduced statistical discrimination have not systematically benefited all LEP Hispanic populations. Therefore, policies designed to enhance English‐language proficiency may yield heterogeneous socioeconomic outcomes along the ethnic, gender, and income class dimensions.     

The Interaction of Race and Gender: Changing Gender‐Role Attitudes, 1974–2006*

Objective. The purpose of this article is to assess over‐time trends in the interactive effects of gender and race on attitudes toward the changing roles of women in U.S. society. Methods. This article uses data from the 1974–2006 General Social Survey. Gender‐role attitudes are measured using two composite indices of traditionalism. Results. We find black females tend to hold less traditional gender‐role attitudes than their black male, white male, and white female counterparts. Black and white males tend to hold similar attitudes toward women entering politics, but differ significantly in their attitudes toward women working outside the home and its impact on children. Assessing over‐time trends, we find the difference between black females and the other social groups to be generally diminishing. This convergence is more pronounced for white and black females. The difference in attitudes toward women entering politics between black females and white males, on the other hand, appears to be maintaining over time. Conclusions. These findings support the idea that the labor force participation for women may have provided the groundwork for the evolution of attitudes for men and women. As white women in particular increase participation in the workforce, ideologies regarding the place of women in U.S. society have shifted.     

Free trade,food-processing,and migration: An analysis of Mexican immigration in the U.S. Great Plains Region

This paper empirically identifies the factors driving Mexican immigration into the U.S. Great Plains region, focusing especially on the role of work in the Mexican and U.S. food-processing sectors, which in the context of NAFTA-induced foreign direct investments, opens up paths for migration along occupational lines into the U.S. from Mexico. Using a unique dataset on Mexican migration, the study addresses three related questions in a series of multivariate logistic regression analyses. First, is employment in the U.S. food-processing sector associated with Mexican migration into the Great Plains region? Second, does employment in the Mexican food-processing sector predict employment in the Great Plains food-processing sector? Finally, is the political–economic context linking Mexico and the U.S. related to the formation of occupational channels linking the food-processing sectors in Mexico and the U.S.? The findings demonstrate that the U.S. food-processing sector is a strong predictor of Mexican migration to the Great Plains region; Mexican migration is strongly channeled along occupational lines from Mexico to the U.S.; and the implementation of NAFTA, a period of intensive political–economic integration, strengthens the occupational channel between the food-processing sectors.     

Mexican Immigrant Self‐Employment Along the U.S.‐Mexico Border: An Analysis of 2000 Census Data*

Objective. This study explores the entrepreneurial tendencies of Mexican immigrants in metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) on the U.S. side of the Mexican border vis‐à‐vis the U.S. interior. Methods. Using 2000 Census data available in the 5% Integrated Public Use Microdata Series, we empirically analyze the self‐employment rates and earnings of Mexican immigrants residing in U.S. cities near Mexico versus those in nonborder MSAs. Results. Our findings indicate that Mexican immigrants in MSAs along the U.S.‐Mexico border have significantly higher self‐employment rates (but lower earnings) than their counterparts in the rest of the United States and non‐Hispanic whites in border cities. Explanations for these findings include the existence of trade opportunities in U.S. border cities as well as intense labor market competition that crowds a greater share of immigrants into self‐employment. Conclusion. Immigration reform that curtails the immigration flow from Mexico might hinder small business formation and economic development on the U.S. side of the Mexican border.     

Beyond Women,Children, and Families: Gender,Representation, and Public Funding for the Arts*

Objectives. Research on the impact of female legislators has found that in their voting records women in elective office tend to be more liberal and more supportive of issues of concern to women, children, and families than are men, differences that conform to gender stereotypes held by voters. This article examines another well‐established gender stereotype that is not linked to the traditional concerns of women as conventionally defined by scholars: that women in public office will be more supportive of the arts. Method. The 40 votes taken on arts legislation in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1983–2002, are examined using negative binomial regression in a model that includes district and personal characteristics. Results. Democratic Party membership and support, citizen ideology, urban residence, and gender are significant factors in explaining support for public funding for the arts. Female representatives are more likely than their male colleagues to support the arts, a finding that primarily reflects the greater support of Republican women for the arts in comparison with their male counterparts. Conclusion. This study suggests that substantive representation of women by female elected officials may extend to more policy issues than previous research has documented. Research on issues that are recognized as gendered (e.g., arts policy) but are not traditionally defined as women's issues is an area for further exploration.     

A longitudinal test of the gender turnover model among U.S. House and Senate members

This study builds on previous research by examining the impact of gender when predicting roll call voting behavior in the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate over several recent congresses. In order to unearth gender effects, it employs a longitudinal design based on turnover in the membership of both the House and the Senate. Through a comparison of the voting records of members of Congress representing the same geographic territory it holds constituency constantly while allowing for gender and party to vary. It does so with models including dependent variables that measure roll call ideology and support for women's issues exhibited in the voting records of members in both institutions. The results show that male and female members in each chamber representing the same constituency amass virtually indistinguishable voting records on the liberal-conservative policy dimension. However, on votes dealing with issues of concern to women, female senators tend to be more supportive than the male senators they replace and male senators tend to be less supportive than the female senators they replace.     

School Context and the Effect of ESL Placement on Mexican‐Origin Adolescents' Achievement*

Objectives. Immigrant adolescents' academic achievement is crucial to our future economic stability, and Mexican‐origin linguistic minority youth in U.S. schools generally demonstrate lower levels of achievement. English as a Second Language (ESL) programs provide an institutional response to these students' needs, the effect of which may vary by the proportion of immigrant students in the school. Measures. Using propensity score matching and data from the Adolescent Health and Academic Achievement Study (AHAA) and the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), we estimate the effect of ESL placement on Mexican‐origin achievement for first‐, second‐, and third‐generation adolescents separately in schools with many and few immigrant students. Results. The estimated effect of ESL placement varies by both immigrant concentration in the school and by students' generational status. Conclusions. We find that ESL enrollment may be protective for second‐generation Mexican‐origin adolescents in high immigrant concentration schools, and may prove detrimental for first‐generation adolescents in contexts with few other immigrant students.     

Weighing the Costs and Benefits of Mexican Immigration: The Mexican‐American Perspective*

Objective. Survey research posits that Mexican Americans' perceptions of the costs and benefits of immigration drive their opinions about immigration, but this research does not provide a clear picture of how Mexican Americans calculate these costs and benefits. This article aims to understand the processes that explain how Mexican Americans calculate the costs and benefits of Mexican immigration. Methods. The article employs 123 in‐depth interviews and observation with later‐generation Mexican Americans in Garden City, Kansas, and Santa Maria, California. Result. Respondents are ambivalent about how Mexican immigrants affect their lives, and their ambivalence is driven by prevailing ideologies in American society regarding immigration, race, and ethnicity. On the one hand, ardent anti‐Mexican nativism leads Mexican Americans to see substantial costs accruing to Mexican immigration. Mexican Americans fear that anti‐Mexican nativism leads to status degradation for all people of Mexican descent. On the other hand, an ideology of multiculturalism and its accompanying value of diversity lead Mexican Americans to see substantial benefits accruing to the large Mexican‐immigrant population, particularly in politics, the labor market, and popular culture. Conclusions. Mexican Americans' perceptions of the costs and benefits of Mexican immigration are based not only on economic considerations, but on social and cultural considerations structured by prevailing and often paradoxical ideologies. Respondents' structural position increases concerns about status degradation resulting from immigration, but also shapes how they are positioned to benefit from the boost in prominence that immigration provides to the entire Mexican‐origin population.     

Political Threat and Immigration: Party Identification,Demographic Context,and Immigration Policy Preference*

Objective. I propose that the effect of partisanship on views on immigration is context dependent. I argue that Republicans in counties experiencing high levels of immigration are more likely to support new immigration restrictions in contrast to Democrats and Independents than Republicans in counties with a relatively small foreign‐born population, and I suspect this is the case because Republicans in high‐immigration counties feel politically threatened by the foreign‐born residents, who are more likely to support Democratic candidates. Method. To test this theory, I create hierarchical logit models of views on immigration policy in which individual party identification interacts with the size of the local immigrant population. Individual‐level data were drawn from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey and county‐level contextual variables from the U.S. Census Bureau. Results. I find that the effect of partisanship on individual views on immigration is context dependent; native‐born Republicans are more likely to support immigration restrictions when their local community has a large immigrant population and Democrats less likely. Conclusion. In areas where immigration levels are low, partisanship is a weak predictor of immigration views. As the foreign‐born population increases, however, the views of Republicans, Democrats, and Independents increasingly diverge.     

Civic Spaces: Mexican Hometown Associations and Immigrant Participation

The study of civic participation and social capital in the United States has, until recently, been silent on the role of immigrant-serving organizations. There is a new line of scholarship, which indicates that ethnic organizations are generally disadvantaged in relation to White mainstream organizations on factors such as resources and political visibility. Our fieldwork on Mexican hometown associations (HTAs) in Los Angeles shows that transnational associations are even more disadvantaged than ethnic organizations that primarily serve the native born. However, this marginality leaves some counterintuitive advantages, namely the creation of safe spaces where undocumented immigrants, recent immigrants, and those with limited English proficiency can get involved in civic and political activities. We explore the extent to which these dynamics vary by gender and immigrant generation, and over time as Mexican hometown associations increasingly turn their attention to political issues in the United States.     

Second‐Generation Immigrants? The “2.5 Generation” in the United States*

Objective. This article takes issue with the way that second‐generation immigrants have been traditionally defined. In most studies, respondents are considered to be “second generation” if they are born in the United States and if at least one of their parents was born outside the United States. This article considers whether the experiences and outcomes of those with one U.S.‐born parent and one foreign‐born parent (the “2.5 generation”) are different from those with no U.S.‐born parents (the “2.0 generation”) and those with two native‐born parents (the “third generation”). Methods. The article analyzes data from the March Current Population Survey (CPS) from 1999 to 2001. Results. The evidence indicates that the 2.5 generation is a numerically significant population, and that it varies from other groups in age structure, racial identification, educational attainment, and income. Conclusions. In studying the U.S.‐born children of immigrants, scholars should avoid lumping together the 2.5 generation with those who have no native‐born parents. The members of the 2.5 generation also should be treated as distinct from those born in the United States to two native‐born parents.