Immigrant integration beyond national policies? Italian cities’ participation in European city networks

ABSTRACT

In the literature on the local dimension of migration policy-making, one can see an emerging interest in transnational cities networks (TCNs). Networks such as Eurocities can represent policy venues that go beyond the limits of vertical relations between national governments and local authorities to directly lobby European Union (EU) institutions. Futhermore, TCNs can offer opportunities for policy exchange and learning, leading to the diffusion of policy innovations and best practices. However, evidence on the concrete functions played by TCNs is still scarce. By focusing on two highly internationalised Italian cities, Milan and Turin, and by taking an actor-centred perspective, this paper highlights how different categories of policy-makers within the municipal administration think about ‘going Europe’. According to our analysis, TCNs, rather than accomplishing their official instrumental goals, play primarily symbolic functions, such as legitimising local integration policy, building a new city identity and positioning the city vis-à-vis other European cities and EU institutions. Yet, this does not mean that TCNs are ‘useless’, since the symbolic resources they convey can be crucial in creating consensus among stakeholders at the local level or lobbying national authorities.     

Organisational legitimacy beyond ethnicity? Shifting organisational logics in the struggle for immigrant rights in Los Angeles

Immigrant political organisations in the United States have traditionally built political power by claiming to legitimately represent an ethnically defined group. However, the emergence of a number of multi-ethnic, class-based organisations over the last two decades has challenged this assumption, while raising questions about the ability of the institutional context to accommodate organisational change. Building on a neo-institutional theory of legitimacy, I examine the diverging legitimating strategies employed by two long-standing immigrant organisations based in Los Angeles (LA): the Korean Resource Center (KRC) and the Koreatown Immigrant Workers Alliance (KIWA). Through grant applications, organisational archival data and qualitative interviews, I show how KRC and KIWA, two groups embedded in the same sociopolitical context, have built unique yet equally successful legitimating accounts by adopting different organisational logics, one broadly based on ethnicity and one on class and multi-ethnicity. I suggest that KIWA and KRC's ideological differences, and their reliance on a different core of supporters – ethnic-oriented for KRC, labour-oriented for KIWA – drove the organisations towards distinct, yet partially overlapping subfields. By discursively mobilising those connections, and by actively shaping the surrounding organisational environment, both KRC and KIWA were able to incorporate in the broader non-profit advocacy sector in LA.     

The role of the underground economy in irregular migration to Italy: Cause or effect?

"As three mass legalisations have revealed, migrants in Italy were predominantly staying on without a permit and without being entitled to pursue regular work. It was further uncovered that many legal migrants carried out unregistered work in agriculture, building, housekeeping, street trading, small manufacturing firms and within urban services.... Migratory chains transmit an image of Italy being a country where it is easy to stay and to earn an income, even in the absence of a permit to stay and the presence of a significant underground economy means that Italy exerts a particular pull effect on those migrants more prone to accepting irregular conditions."     

Adult mortality among the descendants of immigrants in England and Wales: does a migrant mortality advantage persist beyond the first generation?

Little is known about mortality among descendants of immigrants in western host countries because many descendants have not yet reached the ages of high mortality. The aim of this paper is to investigate whether the migrant mortality advantage recently observed among immigrants in England and Wales persists, converges to levels of the White England and Wales-born population or reverses among their descendants. Survival analysis is used to study mortality among over 500,000 individuals in a large, longitudinal dataset (Office for National Statistics Longitudinal Study). A recent update to this data provides a longer time series with an older sample of descendants to study. The analysis finds that, as a combined group, the descendants of immigrants have higher mortality than immigrants and White England and Wales-born. After adjusting for socioeconomic characteristics, mortality among descendants attenuates to the mortality level among the White England and Wales-born but remains high relative to immigrants. Analysis by ethnic minority group suggests there are important differences in mortality among descendants, particularly in the persistent high mortality among the descendants of Black Caribbeans. However, the age structure among descendants is still young and the estimates for ethnic minority sub-groups may not be robust. We await the further ageing of descendants to confirm or challenge these interesting sub-group findings by ethnicity.