我国少数民族政治政策与少数民族政治参与

少数民族政治参与,是构成我国民族地区政治发展的主要目标之一。我国的少数民族政治参与有两个方面:一是各少数民族积极参与本民族或民族社会的政治事务;二是各少数民族积极参与国家政治生活。少数民族政治政策通过在宪法、法律范围内对各民族平等政治权利的具体规定,通过各民族自治管理形式的制度安排,以及在各领域内的少数民族干部政策贯彻执行,来系统地保障少数民族政治参与的权利、实现少数民族政治参与的目标。     

彝族社会中"尔普"形式的变迁

凉山彝族社会中的“尔普”(份子钱 )是一种礼物交换形式。对“尔普”的研究和分析 ,可有助于人们理解凉山彝族社会。“尔普”本来是维系彝族传统社会宗族内部亲属组织的纽带 ,由于文化变迁的原因 ,后来发展出了跨宗族的“尔普”新形式 ,又由于族群互动的原因 ,还产生了跨越族群的“尔普”形式。“尔普”形式的变迁是族群互动下的一种文化变迁形式 ,其动力来源于彝、汉两族的互动关系。彝族社会中“尔普”的变迁形式是人类学关于族群互动下的文化变迁理论的鲜活事例。     

Muslimness as a political formation: an inquiry into Muslim presence

ABSTRACT

In this article, I undertake an investigation into the political significance of Islam and Muslimness. By doing so, I aim to underscore the primacy of Islam’s ontological (constitutive) nature and its irreducibility to any of its ontic (empirical) articulations. This project necessitates the recovery of the political as the moment of the formation of a collective order and community, irreducible to any of its material expressions (e.g. territorial or institutional unity). Thus, the article renounces the objectivity of the secular grammar which fixes, essentializes, and reduces Muslimness to being merely ‘religious’ as opposed to ‘political’. By contrast, it attempts to retrieve Islam’s basic condition of existence and hence emancipate it from the confines of the Western epistemic structure. Toward that end, the article presents a deconstructive analysis of Islam as an autonomous universe of meaning inaugurated by the event of the Divine Revelation to Prophet Muhammad as its originary moment. By doing so, I also emphasize the primacy of Muslimness as a political subjectivity, whose unity and autonomy is contingent upon the drawing of its most universal boundaries and the exclusion of an outside – a function, I argue, which had historically been fulfilled by the mechanism of the caliphate. Finally, the article discusses an alternative conceptualization of diaspora in order to come to grips with the political implications of Muslimness in the post-caliphate world order.     

A political profile of Protestant minorities in Europe

This article uses a large volume of data – in particular, surveys – to explore the character of Protestant identity in contemporary European states. It distinguishes three contexts. First, in the Nordic and certain adjacent states, the dominance of Protestantism was complete, but more recent secularisation has provoked a reaction from Christian parties, which enjoy strong support from active Protestants. Second, in certain states that in the past were predominantly Protestant, and where the ethos of the state was aggressively so, a significant Catholic minority was counter-mobilised politically, but as the dominant state-building parties became increasingly secular, committed Protestants reacted in different ways, including the formation of splinter parties (as in the Netherlands and Switzerland) or working within the traditional parties (as in Great Britain and Germany). Third, in a few states there has traditionally been a small Protestant minority, which has played a significant role in national development, but in these cases (mainly successor states to the Habsburg monarchy) decades of communist rule have largely obliterated what might have been distinctive patterns of political behaviour. The article explores variation in group identity patterns and in attitudes towards the state in those cases for which appropriate survey data are available, and devotes particular attention to the position within the United Kingdom, where religion has played a prominent role in the state- and nation-building process.     

现代化进程中的瑶族"做社"活动——以广西金秀郎庞为例

瑶族崇拜社王,有较悠久的"做社"(祭社)历史."做社"是一种民间宗教仪式,同时也是宣讲习惯法的一种方式.广西金秀郎庞瑶族在20世纪50年代停止举行"做社",至80年代末恢复.本文以田野调查为基础,通过对"做社"活动的描述,讨论现代化进程中瑶族习惯法的保留与变迁,分析现代化对瑶族习惯法的具体影响,探讨现代化变迁中瑶族习惯法的历史命运.     

论西部开发中少数民族的政治关系调适

本文分析了西部开发中少数民族政治关系调适的必要性及调适的基本原则和方式方法。     

试论越族青铜器人面纹饰与农业祭礼的关系——兼析盘古化身神话的文化意蕴

上古越族的青铜器人面纹饰与祭先祖、禾神的礼俗有关,此俗可追溯到先秦两汉时代,实为原始农业血祭在装饰艺术形式上的反映;越族人面纹饰与南方民族的盘古化生神话皆为农业祭礼文化中的不同表现形式之一。     

社会主义政治文明与民族区域自治

本文论述了社会主义政治文明与民族区域的关系 ,认为民族区域自治是中国共产党人的政治创举 ,是社会主义政治文明的重要组成部分 ,是我国的重要政治优势 ,在实行民族区域自治的政治实践中 ,要坚持落实自治依法治国。     

土家族祭祀祈禳与节日习俗之变迁

土家族重淫祀、崇巫尚鬼,凡节日必祭祀祈禳。自十八世纪以来,土家族的祭祀祈禳活动经历了重大的变迁,在不同的时代,其内容和表达的方式有所不同,而与祭祀祈禳紧密联系的民族节日也随着时代的变革而变革,不断赋予其新的形式和新的内容,具有适应新的社会环境的新的功能。因此,对部分民族传统节日我们应该加以引导,使之能适应新时代的需要,为社会经济发展服务。     

尼夫赫人的原始崇拜和熊祭

本文介绍了尼夫赫人的原始崇拜和熊祭习俗。     

城市化进程中民族地区政治稳定的研究方案

研究民族地区政治稳定是中国城市化快速发展的必然要求.文章设计了城市化进程中民族地区政治稳定的研究方案,包括问题的提出、基本概念界定、研究目的和意义、理论依据、分析框架等,这为如何衡量和实现城市化进程中民族地区政治稳定提供了一种可行的研究思路.     

贵州化屋歪梳苗“打牛”祭丧仪式探析

打牛祭丧是贵州黔西县化屋歪梳苗丧葬活动中的一个重要仪式。该仪式的举行与否,取决于死者的年龄大小、是否生育及死者家庭的经济条件。通过这一极富象征性的传统仪式,苗寨社会建立起了一种以费用分摊为目的的经济扶助模式,有效缓解了单个家庭举行丧葬活动的经济负担。同时,家族认同功能也在仪式中得以强化。随着社会的发展,打牛祭丧仪式也在不断变迁。     

Palestinians and the Arab Uprisings: political activism and narratives of home,homeland, and home-camp

This article examines the ways in which Palestinians have been affected by the Arab Uprisings and their aftermath, especially in light of their statelessness and protracted refugeedom. It does so by analysing the narratives of 49 Palestinians who were based in France, Sweden, and the UK at the time of interview between 2012 and 2014. We show that the forms of mobilisation and/or identifications that Palestinians in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and beyond engaged in with regard to the Arab Uprisings, transcended the link between the host state and the homeland. They extended to a plurality of in-between spaces such as Palestinian refugee camps, Arab host states, and Arab countries experiencing the uprisings. We argue that these in-between spaces became salient to broader conceptions of Palestinian identity and activism because Palestinian-ness is shaped not only through attachment to place, but also through particular experiences that are associated with Palestinian identity.     

民族学生分层思想政治教育模式研究

如何更为有效地培养少数民族大学生,以适应时代的节奏和未来社会的需要,是现代思想政治教育工作面临的挑战。为此,我们要充分挖掘教育潜能,合理创新思想政治教育模式。以"掌握学习理论"和"最近发展区理论"为基础发展起来的"分层教学模式"是在个性化教学等思想的引领下,在民族学生群体框架内,以学生差异为基础,科学选用适当教学方法和策略进行个性化教学,以达到学生整体提升为目标的一种教学模式。它的有效实施,增强了少数民族大学生思想政治教育的针对性和实效性,在教育工作中能起到"最优化"的效能。     

明清两代中央政府与蒙古族地区政治互动异同之比较

明清两代中央政府与蒙古地区的政治互动从内容到效果虽大异其趣,但治蒙方略却异中有同,相同点是:都极其重视蒙古问题、推行恩威兼施方针、注意吸纳历代治蒙经验、施行分治之策。不同点是:清代突破了明之华夷观,形成了新的中国观;发展了明朝以神道设教的理念,形成了以黄教安众蒙古的思想;创造性地运用满蒙联姻、满蒙联盟等互动形式,发展并巩固了与蒙古的政治统合关系,使漠北蒙古成为清朝的边疆屏藩,困扰中国历史若干世纪的蒙古问题就此迎刃而解。明清解决蒙古问题的政策体系与政治体制的成败得失,值得深入总结,以为解决至今犹存的民族问题,提供重要的历史启示与鉴借。     

元朝的“天下一家”思想及其政治文化一统

元朝"天下一家"的思想不仅确立了其在中国统治的正统地位,而且实现了中国的政治一统.各民族在元朝统辖之下,经济、文化得到了不同程度的发展,联系空前加强,促进了民族融合.     

The transformation of the Occusphere

ABSTRACT

Between September and November 2011, the Occupy Wall Street protest encampment in New York captured the public imagination worldwide and generated similar events in hundreds of urban spaces. Even after riot police evicted the occupations, the Occupy social movement continued to confront political authority over questions of inequality, and it remains active both online and at diverse protest events. However, beyond the social movement there has been a growth of related anti-capitalist politics. The Occusphere is constituted by the totality of Occupy-inspired activity on the internet and in social networks, and in the larger area of political ideas. This study explores the Occusphere as an expanding zone of densely interlinked anti-capitalist politics with three modes of existence – urban spaces, virtual electronic spaces, and intellectual spaces.     

Beyond the ballot box: age-at-arrival,civic institutions and political participation among Latinos

Sociologists mostly treat age-at-arrival as a dichotomous variable whereas economists often approach it as a continuous variable. This article extends this debate by addressing a set of political behaviours that has mostly been the purview of political scientists. Analysing restricted, geocoded data from the National Survey of Latinos on Politics and Civic Participation, this article examines how age-at-arrival and civic institutions shape political participation among Latino immigrants. Logistic regression and random effects models suggest three key findings. First, age-at-arrival has a strong impact on participation, with child arrivals showing the highest level of participation and midlife arrivals reporting the lowest level of participation. Second, there are no ethnic differences in the likelihood of participating in non-electoral politics among Latinos. Third, involvements with civic institutions significantly shape political participation, confirming these institutions’ potential role in cultivating political efficacy and participatory skills. At the same time, the impact of civic organisations on political participation is contingent on both the type of organisation and the immigrant’s age-at-arrival, with ethnic organisations playing an important role in the political resocialisation process. Finally, ethnic concentration at the county has limited positive impact on political participation.     

Muslims in Great Britain: the impact of mosque attendance on political behaviour and civic engagement

Is mosque attendance associated with withdrawal from civic and political life and the endorsement of politically motivated violence (PMV)? We draw from a large multi-ethnic survey in the U.K. to answer this research question. Our analysis is unique in that we compare Muslims to Christians to show that mosques, just like churches, can enhance the civic and political participation of their adherents. Drawing from scholarship on religious institutions, social capital, and social identity, we claim and empirically show that mosque attendance is associated with increased electoral and non-electoral political participation, higher levels of civic engagement, and the rejection of PMV. Our findings not only advance the current scholarly understanding of the attitudes and behaviours of Muslims in the West, but also have important policy implications in that they help dispel stereotypical and sensationalist accounts of Mosques and their adherents in the post-Brexit U.K.     

在神的怀抱里:一个安多藏族村落的生态-显圣景观

宗教学与生态学相结合的研究作为社会科学与人文学科一个新的分支,其实质是希望凸现原住民生态观.本文通过聚焦藏族信仰系统的生态观,试图阐释人的社区、神灵、佛法和有着宗教意义的自然景观(landscape,尤其是群山)之间复杂、互惠的渗透关系.作为与其他相关学术著作的对话,本文提出了两个观点:其一是藏族圣地的生态价值不总是超世间的,而是存在于有情界、自然界中,与修行者、普通人、地方神灵和自然景观相互关联;另一个观点是,宗教仪式产生了切实的生态效应,在当地藏族人保持其生活环境平衡的过程中扮演着调节角色.