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1.
《The Senses and Society》2013,8(3):283-301
ABSTRACT

Ireland reeked throughout the nineteenth century from the pages of English representation. The reputed stench of its cabins, cesspools, and dungheaps became a shameful index of national backwardness and the essential mark of Irish olfactory identity. In response to the odor of primitiveness that clung to them also, Ireland's rising middle classes set about a program of national decontamination. Led by the emblematic figure of native Victorian propriety, the Catholic priest, this modernizing class carried the mantras of civility and hygiene to the countryside and the rural home, imposing upon a recalcitrant peasantry a new, “enlightened,” olfactory register predicated on an intolerance of traditional odors. The groundwork for this transformation was the castigation of Ireland's domestic cottage by English observers and, in particular, the metonymic substitution of the peasantry's pigs for Irish national character—a discursive reordering that, though it encountered resistance from a peasantry devoted to an old Gaelic order of sensory values, was completed and even sanctified by a Catholic Church bent on producing modern, disciplined subjects. The smells of everyday life, as a result, took on new meanings. This paper examines Irish and British literary and historical texts around the turn of the twentieth century to uncover that meaning and expose the role of olfaction in the production of the peculiar Gaelo-Catholic ideology of domesticity that until recent decades governed rural Ireland.  相似文献   

2.
Police court columns were a popular and flourishing representation of the courtroom in the early nineteenth-century British and Irish press. Despite this, they have been little used by historians, perhaps due to their often humorous and comic depictions of the courtroom. This article re-evaluates the Irish police court columns as a site of debate around Irish national identity at the beginning of the nineteenth century. It argues that these representations were not only sophisticated, but allowed the Irish to reformulate the stereotype of the stage Irishman. Moreover, as representations that captured behaviours of individuals within the courtroom, they provided an opportunity for a broad swathe of the community to engage in broader debates around the nature of Irishness and Irish political rights.  相似文献   

3.
This article explores the effects of political violence on children and young people in Northern Ireland. The article begins with a brief historical account of the Northern Irish conflict and the recently negotiated Belfast Good Friday Agreement of 1998. This account illustrates, as is the case with many conflicts, its basis is religious, national, economic, and political, despite its frequent construction as a battle between Protestant and Roman Catholic. The article goes on to review young peoples' experience of conflict in Northern Ireland and the impact of conflict experiences on three related areas of young people's lives. These include the effects of the conflict on everyday aspects of life, social identity, and mental health .  相似文献   

4.
This article focuses on the official and semi-official Iranian coverage and representation of the 1981 republican prisoners’ hunger strike in Northern Ireland and the related corporeal constructs of the hunger strikers as ‘martyred’ bodies. The particular characterization and utilization of Irish republican hunger strikers by media outlets, officials, and other propagandists of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) was an instance of groups outside Northern Ireland appropriating Irish nationalist bodies for their own ends. IRI commentators re-articulated the starving bodies of Irish republican hunger strikers, re-infusing them with symbolic meanings in a cross-cultural and ideologically laden configuration in the service of IRI’s self-projection as the patron of worldwide struggles for justice and liberation against the twin forces of imperialism and domestic opponents. In the process, IRI added its own layers of agency and politically crafted somatic meaning to the hunger strike. Meanwhile, IRI’s extensive advocacy of the republican hunger strike in Northern Ireland was eagerly welcomed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), to which most hunger strikers belonged; with PIRA and its political wing, Provisional Sinn Féin, hoping to secure diplomatic recognition, and possibly material aid, from the Iranian government for bolstering PIRA’s domestic and international standing vis-à-vis the British government.  相似文献   

5.
The era of globalization is posing a variety of challenges to national identity. In order to meet these challenges, it is important to offer theoretical scientific interpretations of them. A scrutiny of national identity as a concept reveals that national identity is actually a “four in one” combination of institutional identity, interest identity, cultural identity and non-national community identity, with formative mechanisms characterized the unity of the primordial state and the constructive, expressive forms characterized by the unity of consciousness and action, content characterized by the unity of politics and culture, and maintenance mechanisms characterized by the unity of emotion and self-interest. In the global age, national identity crisis usually arises in political, economic and cultural levels. The root cause for national identity crisis lies in the ineffectiveness of nation states’ self-governance. In order to promote the construction of national identity in the global age, we need to: (1) promote reform of the political system, explore democratic models of governance, and create the institutional preconditions for national identity; (2) promote economic development, ensure fairness and justice, and guarantee interests in national identity; (3) develop national culture, strengthen value integration and enrich the cultural significance of national identity; and (4) recognize different levels of community development and promote community integration in national identity.  相似文献   

6.
全球化时代的到来,对国家认同产生了诸多的挑战。要应对这一挑战,需要我们从理论的层面加以科学阐释。考察国家认同的概念可以看到,国家认同实质上是包含制度、利益、文化、非国家共同体认同的“四位一体”,其基本特征包含生成机制的原生性和构建性、表现形式的意识性和行动性、内容体系的政治性和行动性、维持机制的情感性和利益性,以及发展状态的稳定性和发展性。全球化时代国家认同危机包含着政治、经济、文化三个层面,民族国家认同危机产生的根源是国家治理的失效。要在全球化背景下推动国家认同的构建,着力点在于:推动政治体制改革,探索治理民主模式,构建国家认同的制度性前提;促进经济发展,维护公平正义,构建国家认同的利益性保障;发展民族文化,加强价值整合,丰富国家认同的文化内涵;正视不同层次共同体的发展,促进国家认同的共同体整合。  相似文献   

7.
The ‘social’ context in which social work is located is becoming increasingly unsettled by emerging patterns of mobility. Mobility is constrained for many social work service users who are trapped within disadvantaged areas, while for others it has become a forced necessity to cross national boundaries and inhabit uncertain status in their nations of destination. This article explores the responses of the social work profession to children seeking asylum in the Republic of Ireland. These children's complex needs, produced by the conditions of mobility they have encountered and by the conditions of arrival/settlement in Ireland, force social work practice to be orientated beyond the boundaries of the national welfare state. In order to explore the varied responses of the social work profession in the Republic of Ireland to asylum seeking children, three different groups of children are considered: children seeking asylum who have been separated from their parents; children who are seeking asylum with their parent(s)/family; and young Irish citizens whose asylum seeking parents are in danger of being deported. It argues that the provision of appropriate services for these children requires the development of post‐national forms of social work practice.  相似文献   

8.
After the 1990s, with the end of the Cold War, great changes have occurred in the world scenario, with ethnic clashes and national conflicts becoming all the more salient, making national identity a hot topic in reality and the academia. To address the issue of national identity in the age of globalization, a deep-going theoretical discussion of the logic behind it is necessary, a discussion that covers the nature of both ethno-cultural identity and national identity, the superiority of national identity to ethno-cultural identity and the logic behind national identity crisis. In terms of the need for social identity, globalization, while changing the power structure of the world, weakens the autonomy of developing countries, especially that of those which are still in the process of modernization and are confronted with risks inherent in social transformation and where a resultant structural imbalance undermines the state’s integrity and control, making national identity less appealing to ethnic groups. As a result, regional ethnic identity comes to the fore, leading to national identity crises in developing countries.  相似文献   

9.
The conflict in Northern Ireland is often described in terms of a clash of identities, national and religious. This study aimed to determine the relative importance of these identities using a multidimensional approach to examine the identity structures of students (N = 216). Analyses revealed that national and religious identities were accorded low salience and centrality relative to other identities. The study also investigated relations between a variety of identity dimensions derived from two identity traditions, social identity theory and identity theory. The differing patterns of relationships to emerge across groups and across identities suggest that the process of identification in Northern Ireland is a complex one. The implications of these findings for the analysis of the Northern Ireland conflict are discussed.  相似文献   

10.
This two-wave longitudinal study followed a cohort of young people in Northern Ireland (N = 124) to examine how the transition to university impacts on identity change. Drawing on Stryker's (1968, 1987) identity theory, we examined salience, affective and interactional commitment for five identities: family member, friend, student, national and religious identity. The relative salience of national and religious identities did not change over time, but an absolute increase in the salience of religious identity was indicated at Time 2. Regression analysis provided some support for identity theory but suggested a difference between Catholics and Protestants in relation to religious identity. The implications for the identities of young people in Northern Ireland, and, more generally, for identity theory are discussed .  相似文献   

11.
20世纪90年代以后,随着冷战的结束,世界图景发生了巨大变化,全球性族裔冲突和民族矛盾更加凸显,这使得国家认同成为现实和学术关注的重点M题。在全球化时代,要较好地处理国家认同问题,需要在基础理论层面对国家认同发生的逻辑,即民族认同的性质、国家认同的性质、陶家认同对地方民族认同以及国家认同危机发生的逻辑等进行彻底的分析。从社会认同需求的角度分析,全球化对现代世界权力结构的改变削弱了发展中国家的自主性,特别是发展中国家的现代化尚未完成,面临着社会转型的风险,呈现出结构性失衡,从而降低了国家整合治理能力,使得国家认问对民族成员的意义进一步被削弱,并引起了地方民族认同的兴起,进而导致了发展中因家的国家认同危机的发生。  相似文献   

12.
13.
近代北京的空间变迁与当时政治、文化背景密切相关。从帝都到国都再到故都,在城市现代化的历史进程中,北京政治地位、城市身份的变化与文化传统影响了城市空间变迁的路径。帝都空间结构的解构,国都的空间开放、公共空间的开辟、消费和娱乐空间的转型,故都的文化游览中心建设,都受北京特定政治环境与文化传统影响。北京保守的政治观念与地域文化传统抑制了其现代化改造,使近代北京呈现出传统与现代相交叠的空间形态。  相似文献   

14.
The Irish residential property market is currently characterized by a considerable structural deficiency in housing supply compared to the underlying level of demand. The lack of housing has led to several economic and social problems in Ireland. The imbalance between supply and demand has led to both house prices and rents increasing faster than household incomes. Recent policy initiatives by the Irish Government have outlined plans for significant spending aimed at increasing the numbers of housing completions to tackle these issues. This paper examines the impact of government spending on housing supply using a structural econometric model of the Irish economy with a specific construction block. Within our econometric analysis, we compare the results of an economy wide versus a sector specific government stimulus on the property market. Our simulations suggest that, in order to achieve social and economic goals like increasing the number of dwellings and making housing more affordable by containing house price inflation, a targeted policy such as that described in the Irish Government's Housing for All plan may be preferable to an economy-wide stimulus.  相似文献   

15.
In this era of “liquid modernity,” China faces the dual pressures of external globalization and internal social transformation. Within these dual space-time coordinates, academic research should address the question of what makes national identity possible by moving away from its fixation on macro-narratives and concrete micro-analysis of civic or ethnic identity, etc., to focus on meso-analysis. To do this, it is important to allay individuals’ ontological anxiety so that they return to ontological security; to realize the production and reproduction of a national centripetal force; and to highlight the functional power of national identity. Both theoretical studies and real-world experience show that national identity cannot play a stable and coherent role on its own, but needs the structural support of three fundamental systems: economic incentives, political values, and institutional organization. The functional cohesion of these systems provides an effective path to the realization of national identity.  相似文献   

16.
Nation-state identity has become a focus of theoretical discussion in academia home and abroad in recent years. Under the new historical conditions, the study of national identity should take the Marxist theory of the state as its theoretical basis and stick to the Marxist view of class and class analysis so as to properly understand, guide and enhance national identity. The Marxist theory of the state has analyzed in a scientific way the origin, nature, development, succession and decay of the state, and the innovative and transitional nature of the proletarian state. We should not stop at the level of “national identity in general,” but should instead use the Marxist view of class to look at and analyze specific people’s identification with specific states. As far as the developed capitalist states are concerned, the bourgeoisie and the working class differ dramatically in their views, attitudes, emotions and beliefs toward their state. When it comes to China that is still at the primary stage of socialism, national identity needs to be studied in depth and guided in a correct way, especially under the condition of reform and opening-up. The main subjects of national identity should get optimized at all levels.

Meanwhile, measures should be taken to enhance conscious awareness of and cultivate right attitudes toward national identity.  相似文献   

17.
近些年,关于民族国家认同问题的研究,是国内外学术界探讨的一个理论热点。在新的历史条件下,研究国家认同问题应该以马克思主义国家观作为理论基础,坚持马克思主义的阶级观点和阶级分析,进而才能正确地理解、引导和增进国家认同。马克思主义国家观科学地分析了国家的起源和本质、国家的发展、更替和消亡,以及无产阶级国家的崭新性质和过渡性质。我们的研究不宜停留于“国家认同的一般”层面,而应运用马克思主义的阶级观点来看待和分析具体人们对具体国家的认同问题。就发达资本主义国家的资产阶级、工人阶级而言,其对国家的看法、态度、情感和信念是大不相同的。对处于社会主义初级阶段的中国来说,在改革开放的条件下,对国家认同问题更需要做深入的研究和正确的引导,而且应当优化国家认同的各个层次的主体结构,同时应采取多种措施,以增进国家认同的自觉意识和培育正确的态度。  相似文献   

18.
在美国崛起为世界大国的新形势下,威尔逊借助美国卷入大战和实施战争动员这一难得的时机,通过重新阐释美国的传统与特性以及利用德国作为“他者”与美国相对照,成功地使美国的自我形象与国际角色从19世纪的“共和榜样”和“自由典范”转换为“自由卫士”和“世界领袖”。威尔逊对国家身份的重塑不仅有助于当时的战争动员,而且解决了美国踏上世界舞台后的角色困惑与身份危机,为崛起的美国确立了长远的国家政策走向。他对美国理想、角色和命运的创造性阐释主导了美国人对自己国家存在意义以及美国与世界关系的理解,成为20世纪美国最有影响力的外交政策话语,对美国外交产生深远的影响。  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

This article argues in favor of opening up media studies and visual studies to a new line of sensory inquiry—namely, embracing color as a powerful and pertinent mode of communication. It probes the contemporary state of color products and/or products of color through three interconnected categories (that is, color as expression of identity or quality; color as mark of individuality and color as cosmetic) to reveal not only the complex interplay between “signature” and “shock” hues, but also the implications for color codification—and for color communication as a whole.  相似文献   

20.
在辽宁省东北部,长白山南麓,有一处四季分明、风景如画、冬无严寒、夏无酷暑的燕东旅游胜地,这就是神奇而美丽的辽宁省桓仁满族自治县。古老神奇的桓仁,形成了以关东文化为主体,以民族文化为鲜明特色,融合抗联文化、周易文化等多元的文化体系。桓仁县城山青水秀、历史悠久、文化厚重、特色鲜明,是中国惟一个拥有城市品牌的县份,已经成为世界文化遗产地、国家级生态示范区、中国旅游强县、中闶绿色名县、围家绿色能源示范县、闺家同林县城和国家卫生县城。  相似文献   

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