拜登政府的东北亚政策与东北亚地区关系走向

美国总统拜登上任以来,其对外战略正逐渐成形。拜登政府表示将以同盟关系为基础重建美国的领导力,在东北亚地区继续推进印太战略的实施。美国东北亚政策的调整与变化,被普遍认为战略指向明显,拜登政府将中国视为美国最严峻的竞争对手,将继续利用台湾问题对华进行战略牵制,中美关系仍处于其东北亚政策调整的核心。拜登政府将巩固与日本的盟友关系,这一倾向也得到了菅义伟政权的积极回应。朝鲜半岛问题的走向尚未明朗,缺乏沟通和协作的氛围。受制于国内因素的影响,拜登政府对外修复盟友关系、布局战略重组并非易事。鉴于美国在东北亚的政策调整,中国必须正视可能出现的问题,这不仅直接关系到“一带一路”倡议在这一地区的推进,而且对于中国周边安全稳定也至关重要,中国要积极做好应对。     

＂Who Are We？＂ Woodrow Wilson,the First World War and the Reshaping of America＇s National Identity

在美国崛起为世界大国的新形势下，威尔逊借助美国卷入大战和实施战争动员这一难得的时机，通过重新阐释美国的传统与特性以及利用德国作为“他者”与美国相对照，成功地使美国的自我形象与国际角色从19世纪的“共和榜样”和“自由典范”转换为“自由卫士”和“世界领袖”。威尔逊对国家身份的重塑不仅有助于当时的战争动员，而且解决了美国踏上世界舞台后的角色困惑与身份危机，为崛起的美国确立了长远的国家政策走向。他对美国理想、角色和命运的创造性阐释主导了美国人对自己国家存在意义以及美国与世界关系的理解，成为20世纪美国最有影响力的外交政策话语，对美国外交产生深远的影响。     

Aging and social welfare in transition: the case of the United States

In the United States at the end of the twentieth century, government policies regarding elderly people appear to be in transition. In part this reflects the traditional American ambivalence between radical individualism and collective assistance - especially in the form of tax-supported public welfare provided through government agencies - for those unable to earn or save for their own support. But in part this reflects new concerns about the growth of welfare "entitlements" for elderly people and the presumed "generational inequity" of public support for the aged at the expense of funds for children and young families. We review 1) the changing demography of the United States elderly population, 2) the complex and ambivalent history of welfare policy in the United States and 3) the evidence for tensions and conflicts between older and younger Americans in the context of politicized "generational inequity" debates, with special attention to changing government health care policies. We conclude that in American society, particularly in terms of federal assistance to the aged, there is considerable public support for current policy measures, and - contrary to the predictions of many - it is not likely that there will be dramatic policy changes in the near future.     

His Master's Voice: Television in Argentina. A Case Study of Cultural Penetration

While Flora's article deals with alternatives developed by Latin American governments to offset the impact of cultural penetration by developed countries, Edmond Rogoff presents us with a case study of such penetration. He examines the extent of United States originated programs in the metropolitan Buenos Aires area during four recent weeks. Only briefly (1968–1972) during the last twenty-five years has Argentine television programming been free from domination by foreign—mainly United States—material. Currently, virtually every time slot is filled with American-made programs of 1960 or 1970 vintage or with feature films imported from this country. While Rogoff declines to deal with the consequences of such mass importation of programs, he does provide us with valuable specific data which seems to corroborate the cultural imperialism thesis elaborated by Armand and Michelle Matterlart, Kaarle Nordenstreng, Herbert Schiller and others.     

U.S. foreign policies of presidents Bush and Clinton: The influence of China's most favored nation status upon human rights issues

The United States must find a new direction in its efforts to curb China's human rights abuses. The change will be a slow and difficult one, with each step measured by countless sacrifices. Without such steps, however, tens of thousands will suffer. During the last two presidential administrations, focus on human rights issues has increased as a result of the Tiananmen Square massacre. With the recent signing of China's most favored nation (MFN) status, Clinton has succesfully separated the issues of human rights abuses and international economics. Although he may have hoped to curb such abuses early in his presidency, he fell victim to the growing complexity of Congress and the ability of special interest groups to influence legislators. A possible explanation for the support of the MFN status by both presidents may be evident in their previous experiences. Bush, a former ambassador to China and representative at the United Nations, had a strong foreign policy background. Clinton, however, with a weak foreign policy background and no military experience, relies heavily on Vice President Gore's military history—during the Vietnam War—as well as his strengths in foreign service.     

A Soviet View of American Higher Education

Despite abundant criticism of the American educational system in United States publications, Soviet educators are apparently favorably impressed with some of its features. This article in a Soviet higher education journal by the Deputy Minister of Higher and Specialized Secondary Education reports on a visit to American colleges earlier this year. ["Some Problems of Higher Education in the United States," Vestnik Vysshei Shkoly, 1960, No. 5—abridged.]     

The Evolution of Penal Policy in Canada

This paper reviews the evolution of penal policy in Canada in recent years. In many respects, Canada occupies a unique position with respect to criminal justice. The principal influence on penal policy development has been the United States, yet at the same time developments in the United Kingdom have also been important. One result is that policy development in recent years has tended to follow a middle path between the more extreme and radical American route (that has given rise to policies such as "three strikes" legislation) and the more conservative European reforms. Canada's policies with respect to punishment have been affected by a number of influences, including: the presence of advocacy groups; the reporting by the news media of high-profile tragedies such as the Montreal massacre of fourteen young women; the restrictions of budgetary constraints; and the intervention of several federal elections in which crime became an important electoral issue. In this respect, penal policy development in Canada echoes trends in other jurisdictions. The federal government, which is responsible for policy development (but not the administration of those policies) has attempted to pursue a dual-track policy. One branch of this policy has sought to reduce the use of imprisonment and thereby cut criminal justice expenditures. The other track has sought to placate public and political pressure on the government by introducing more repressive penal policies, including severe minimum penalties and higher maximum penalties for young offenders. This paper reviews recent developments in the critical areas of sentencing and parole, and draws some general conclusions about criminal justice policy development in this country.     

试析美法分歧的历史由来——兼评基辛格《大外交》中对戴高乐的评述

基辛格《大外交》中对戴高乐的评价反映了美国外交学界对法美关系的基本观点,作为美国的盟国,法国的独立性源于历史上法国对美国的观感.从美国独立到二战结束,法美之间充满矛盾与纠葛,究其原因是美国对二战中及二战后法国的轻视,刺激了拥有悠久历史与文化的法国人的自尊心,激起了法国政界与民间对美国的不满情绪,认真梳理这段历史,对于我们认识戴高乐主义的实质与法美矛盾的本源或将有所裨益.     

Conservative Ideas and Social Policy in the United States

This article explores social policy development in the United States since the beginning of the George W. Bush presidency. Starting from an analysis of the discourse about compassionate conservatism at the centre of the 2000 presidential campaign and proceeding to a discussion of the meaning of the more recent ownership society blueprint, it underlines the fragmented nature of the conservative policy agenda in the United States. Yet, the article suggests that, despite this fragmentation, the ideological dominance of the right and the related absence of needed reform in key policy areas are of great significance for the future of federal social policy. Overall, the article shows how paying close attention to the nature of conservative ideas improves our understanding of social policy development in the United States. As argued, the old liberal and the traditionalist sides of American conservatism have inspired distinct yet related blueprints and reform proposals that both promote a scaling-down of existing federal social programmes and a return to traditional forms of economic security (i.e. charity and personal savings). The article underlines the relationship between these blueprints and policy drift.     

"The Attila the Hun law": New York's Rockefeller drug laws and the making of a punitive state

In 1973, New York's Governor Nelson Rockefeller responded to panic about soaring heroin use by renouncing his aggressive treatment programs and enacting the most punitive drug policy in the United States. His "Rockefeller Drug Laws" mandated sentences up to life in prison for selling any narcotics. These punishments, comparable to the penalties for murder, served as models for subsequent "War on Drugs" policies enacted across the nation.This article explores the ideological and political work accomplished by this high profile legislation—for policy makers, for members of the general public who clamored for "get tough" strategies, and for the drug users targeted by the statutes. The laws were a repudiation of liberal treatment programs and specialists' expertise, and provided a forum to remake the much-maligned welfare state into a stern, macho vehicle for establishing order in society. Increasingly punitive policies constricted the rights of drug users by rhetorically constructing "addicts" and "pushers" as outside of the polity and as the antithesis of full citizens. Therefore, the Rockefeller Drug Laws not only had devastating effects on drug offenders, but also were instrumental in the profound renegotiation of the state's role and responsibilities.     

美国对非援助的影响及实质评价

对国家而言,对外援助是外交活动的重要工具,关乎到与其他国家关系的发展,对外援助的议题一直备受学术界关注。作为世界上经济最发达的国家,美国的对外援助开始最早、水平最高、援助总额最多,援助对象领域分布最广,具有相当丰富的援助实践经验,研究意义重大。研究冷战后美国对非洲的援助,有利于充分认识"援助"这个议题的理论脉络和现实状况,最终为我国援助的实践活动提供理论渊源和经验教训。     

US foreign aid and economic policy concessions*

Why do donors continue to provide foreign aid despite its failure to help poor countries over the past several decades? While some scholars argue that foreign aid is purely for humanitarian purposes, others assert that such aid serves as a tool to pressure recipient countries into accepting policy concessions. In this study, we subject these arguments to empirical testing using a dataset that integrates the amount of US aid and economic policies of recipient countries for 1995–2012. The findings suggest that aid decisions correspond to the interests of the United States, such as policy concessions in economic and business liberalization. However, an increase in US aid is not directly associated with further economic reforms in recipient countries. We conclude that US foreign aid programmes are strategic in nature and successful not in alleviating economic problems in recipient countries but, at the very least, in buying their policy compliance.     

Monitoring the Integrative Complexity of American and Soviet Policy Rhetoric: What Can Be Learned?

Research psychologists cannot tell us the ultimate motives behind Soviet foreign policy or the true causes of the cold war. They can, however, use content analysis methods with records of successful application in other contexts to explore the links between rhetoric and action in American-Soviet relations. This article describes a series of studies on the integrative complexity of American and Soviet foreign policy rhetoric. An ongoing time-series study (1945–1986) reveals a variety of determinants of policy rhetoric: the rhetoric of the other side, impending or current policy initiatives, American presidential election campaigns, and changes in both the American and Soviet leadership. The paper also describes preliminary work on the integrative complexity of statements of key Soviet leaders on economic and foreign policy issues, demonstrating that the current Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, is significantly more complex than either his immediate predecessors or his traditionalist rivals for the leadership. The article considers implications of the "Gorbachev effect" for our understanding of domestic Soviet politics and for designing American policy toward the Soviet Union.     

Body Mass Index,Demographic and Socioeconomic Risk,and Protective Factors of Type 2 Diabetes Among Six Groups of Foreign-Born Asian Americans

ABSTRACT. This study examined the association of body mass index (BMI), demographic variables, and self-reported type 2 diabetes among Chinese, Filipino, South Asian, Japanese, Korean, and Vietnamese adults. A sample of 3,204 Asian American respondents born outside of the United States was selected from the 2007 California Health Interview Survey. Logistic regression was used to estimate the relationships between BMI, age, sex, marital status, education, poverty level, years in the United States and self-reported type 2 diabetes. The findings revealed that Koreans had the lowest prevalence for type 2 diabetes and South Asians had the highest. Type 2 diabetes had a statistically significant association with BMI and demographic variables but varied across ethnic groups. Due to sampling variations, no meaningful results were found in the Filipino and Japanese samples. BMI and older age are common risk factors for type 2 diabetes among Asians, but whether sex, marital status, education, and years in the United States are risk factors varies among ethnic groups. Culturally specific prevention programs for type 2 diabetes are important for Asian Americans. Given the diversity of cultures and demographic and socioeconomic factors across the Asian American populations, future research should not combine all ethnic Asian groups into 1 sample.     

中阿建交问题探析

1950年1月12日,阿富汗正式承认中华人民共和国,表达了建立阿中双边外交关系的愿望和建议,但其后不久却又以国内财政困难为由单方面地搁置了建交进程.当然这里自然有反映其国内实情的一面,而其背后更深层次的原因则值得深究:一方面,当时的阿富汗政府虽继续坚持中立政策,但把加强阿美关系作为其对外政策的重要支柱;另一方面,美国为遏制苏联,加强了对阿富汗的拉拢和渗透.因此,阿美关系日益发展.在美国孤立、封锁、包围新中国的大形势下,阿富汗出于维护其自身国家利益的考量,暂时搁置了中阿建交进程.从1953年下半年开始,阿富汗国内政局的变化和阿美关系出现裂痕、阿苏关系不断改善、中国积极推行睦邻外交政策以及此一时期中印正处于“蜜月期”等综合因素,导致中阿建交进程开始出现转机.经过一系列政治对话和外交谈判,1955年1月20日中阿发表建交公报,正式建立外交关系,成为其后几十年中阿友好合作关系发展的历史起点.     

The greying of the baby boom in the United States: framing the policy debate

Issues surrounding the retirement of the large post-World War II "baby boom" generation in the United States are often framed either in terms of impending intergenerational crisis or as an event to which the United States can gradually adjust. This paper examines these two perspectives as they compete to define US social security policy. It suggests that the intergenerational crisis perspective functions primarily as an ideological argument and strategy for de-structuring social welfare policy. In contrast, the gradual adjustment perspective provides a stronger basis for planning social security and other policy responses to the ageing of the baby boom. However, it is not informed by a clear social vision and has not, as yet, responded sufficiently to the potential divisiveness which may accompany changing demography. Also, to date, relatively little attention has been paid to the diverse social and economic circumstances of baby boomers and the implications of this diversity for retirement planning.     

宗教与美国的外交政策

由美国核心文化WASP和"公民宗教"所塑造的美国国家特质中的宗教性,尤其是强烈的宗教认同感和宗教信仰在其社会生活中的重要地位,使得宗教的影响力相比别国而言更容易渗透到美国外交政策中。宗教价值观念是"美国例外论"和"天命观"的主要根源,在外交政策上表现为"威尔逊主义"外交理念,进而对美国外交决策者的外交思维和外交行为造成影响,并形成对外输出民主价值观念的政策偏好。国内宗教团体利用广泛的社会资本,通过民主的渠道,将自身的政策主张上升到外交决策中并影响美国对外关系的议事日程。传教士利用自身对对象国的了解,为外交决策者提供情报,并有可能受邀参与决策过程从而影响外交决策。     

Acid rain policy in the United States: An exploration of Canadian influence

This analysis evaluates the effectiveness of Canadian efforts to influence the formulation of acid rain policy in the United States. The findings indicate that, despite an imbalance in resources of power and influence favoring the United States, there still may be limited, but nevertheless important, avenues for Canadian influence in the formulation of U.S. policy. This study questions the generality of static models for analyzing U.S.-Canadian relations, and suggests the use of a policy process framework for examining the political dynamics in the relationship.     

The third-age African American seniors: benefits of participating in senior multipurpose facilities

This article examines the contexts and benefits of African American seniors' participation in multipurpose facilities. Using qualitative data from 15 in-depth participant interviews and 6-month on-site participant observations as well as a survey result, research revealed the physical, emotional, and social benefits that African American seniors reported as a result of their participation in various activities offered in a multipurpose senior center in Atlanta Georgia. The study presents a social context in which African American seniors constructed their new third age identities that is different from the wide-spread negative images depicted by the mainstream about this minority group. Findings from this study increase the knowledge about African American seniors' participation in multipurpose facilities and provide a better understanding for the diverse socio-economic backgrounds of African American seniors. Study results will have policy implications for a better development of senior centers for minority population in the United States for the promotion of productive and successful aging.     

Discrimination that Travels: How Ethnicity Affects Party Identification for Southeast Asian Immigrants*

Objectives. The critical importance of party identification as a determinant of vote choice is well documented. Given the increasing diversity of the population in the United States, it is critical that we understand the process of socialization into the political system for immigrant groups. It is especially important that we should be able to distinguish differences in socialization within a group. Methods. Using a framework developed by Cain, Kiewiet, and Uhlaner (1991) , we use newly available data to test their assertions about the development of party identification in Asian‐American immigrants. Results. Looking at a sample of foreign‐born Asian Americans, we find that critical differences can exist within groups. Conclusions. The differences within groups have an important effect on the development of party identification for those immigrants.