美国族群问题及其破解对策

美国是一个多族群的国家,族群之间的矛盾和斗争充斥着整个美国历史发展过程。"二战"之后,特别是20世纪80年代以来,由于白人至上主义和极右思潮的抬头,美国族群关系更趋于紧张。然而,在前苏联、南斯拉夫这些多族群国家解体的后冷战时代,美国却能够保持相对稳定的族群关系。这主要得益于其不断完善的法律制度、多元与一体的相对平衡,以及不断改进的社会保障制度等因素。由于美国族群政策是建立在资本主义私有制基础之上的,具有不可避免的局限性,因而对美国的族群政策应重于研究、分析,慎于借鉴。     

A Visit to the USA

A leading Soviet novelist (The Train) and member of the Presidium of the Union of Soviet Writers presents her impressions of a trip to the United States. Literaturnaya Gazeta, January 17, 1961.     

A Word About the Change of Title

With the final disintegration of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the title Soviet Review suddenly belonged to history. After considering all the unsatisfactory alternatives, we have decided to rename the journal Russian Social Science Review, which at least has the merit of conveying more clearly the journal's editorial profile. Although most of the articles appearing in the journal will, as in the past, be drawn from Russian-language sources, translations from other languages will certainly not be excluded, and we will make a positive effort to present work from, and about, all areas of the former Soviet Union.     

国际体系中的变与不变——“长和平”秩序的机理及启示

冷战体系中超级大国关系最显著的特征莫过于等级制度缺失情况下“长和平”秩序的形成,这种秩序的形成与维系不仅依赖于以意识形态对抗为基础的观念结构,也依赖于美苏两国以实力竞争为基础的物质结构以及一系列审慎的自我约束和控制机制。“后危机时代”的国际政治体系出现了新的分化组合,国际社会权力结构和平重组的可能性有所增加,但维系“长和平”秩序的规则有些仍发挥作用,美国在冷战时期确立的势力范围和利益边界依然存在,国际体系的结构性变革仍需较长时间才能实现。     

Public Opinion in the System of Management

Negative assessments of the results of Russian reforms have recently become commonplace in the statements of Western economists. It is becoming just as fashionable to curse them as to be on a fat-free diet or to be fighting cholesterol. And on the contrary, to justify or at least explain the logic of development of the events in Russia and direct attention toward the country's achievements is becoming just as indecent and "socially hazardous" in the United States as offering a coat to a lady, or, even worse, paying a compliment. Unfortunately, all attempts at a considered analysis of Russian post-Communist history immediately run into a wall of perplexity (or indignation), which is then inevitably followed by rhetorical questions such as "Haven't the oligarchs plundered the whole country?" or "Yeltsin is an inveterate drinker, isn't he?" (This was the same in the Stalinist Soviet Union, when, in response to any story of a rise in the well-being of the Americans, the vigilant Soviet worker was supposed to utter something proudly along the lines of "But on the other hand, you lynch blacks there!")     

论冷战期间美国的大战略体系

大战略是一战后西方军事理论界提出的新概念,二战后广为流行,并成为国家决策的重要内容。冷战期间,美国政府为了对抗、削弱并击溃苏联东欧集团,铲除所谓共产主义威胁,赢得冷战的胜利,制订并实施了以遏制战略为核心的大战略,形成了一个金字塔般的战略体系。在这个战略体系中,位于顶端的是遏制战略;其下是政治战略、经济战略、军事战略、文化战略等各领域的分类战略;这些分类战略的子战略或曰具体战略,诸如威慑战略、贸易管制战略、和平演变战略、大规模报复战略、灵活反应战略、现实威慑战略等,则为第三层次的战略。遏制战略以各分类战略及其子战略为依托,统领着众多分类战略和子战略;各分类战略和子战略则依据遏制大战略制订并以遏制大战略的目标为最终目标。该大战略体系在促使苏东裂变、结束冷战中发挥了重要作用。     

工业遗产与地缘政治中的“东北接收”（1945—1948年）——对国共两党组织体制的比较分析

本文从国共两党对战后东北接收方案的比较入手，通过考察双方对区域工业遗产作出回应的具体策略及过程，揭示两党在接收中的不同组织困境以及各自的克服之策。复员和动员分别是国共两党在各自区域内的基本组织逻辑，而“条”“块”间的冲突与“统”“分”间的张力则是二者分别面对的结构性困难。在美苏对抗的地缘政治格局下，国民党坚守城市和铁路线，以技术官僚为主体的接收要员发挥空间受限；中共虽退居农村开展土地改革，但能接续既往的根据地建设经验，并促发军政和财经干部在组织上的创新。对东北的接收方案的差异既是两党利用组织原则应对地缘政治和区域制度遗产的体现，更折射出各自建国方略上的差别。从组织体制上来说，东北的接收恰恰是中国国家建设在20世纪中叶的转折点，其所激发出的政党在组织上的创制提供了由战时走向建政的组织上的转化机制。     

媒介批评视角下的肖洛霍夫形象

中国媒体对肖洛霍夫形象的构建,与中苏(俄)两国的政治、经济与文化关系密不可分。当两国关系处于和平友好阶段时,中国媒体对肖洛霍夫的态度就显得很亲善,甚至达到狂热崇拜的地步;一旦两国关系恶化,中国媒体对肖洛霍夫及其作品采取憎恶态度;只有两国关系正常化之后,媒介批评才归于理性与公正。     

The Economic Effectiveness of Foreign Trade

The main task posed by the Twenty-Fourth Congress of our Party is that of increasing the economic effectiveness of the national economy. This is also fully applicable to the foreign economic relations of the USSR: a most important sphere of the economy. The directives of the congress on the Five-Year Plan for the Development of the USSR National Economy in 1971-1975 discuss the need to improve the methods and forms of foreign economic relations of the Soviet Union and to increase the initiative and responsibility of ministries and enterprises in the development of directions of such relations that are effective for the national economy. Foreign economic relations occupy a considerable place in the nation's economy. By the year 1973 USSR foreign trade turnover had increased (in comparable prices) 1.9 times compared with 1965 and was 25.3 times greater than the 1938 level.     

美国的印度洋战略

冷战期间美国印度洋战略的主要目的是应对苏联,冷战后美国成为印度洋的主导力量,开始在印度洋地区进行军事前沿部署。近年来,随着印度洋战略地位的提高,美国提出了“印度-太平洋”概念,并强化其在印度洋的战略利益：保持主导地位、保护海上交通线安全、控制战略要冲等。美国在意识形态和经济因素的驱使下,通过军事部署和制度安排在印度洋取得霸权地位,但与英国相比,美国的印度洋霸权是“弱势”霸权。     

南海地缘形势与中国政府对南海权益的维护——以20世纪六七十年代南海争端为考察中心

20世纪六七十年代,美、前苏联出于争夺世界霸权的需要,对南海争端采取了不同的政策,南海地区＂边缘地带＂特性进一步凸显。在此背景下,菲律宾、越南和马来西亚等国强占南海岛礁、瓜分海域、掠夺资源。在维权斗争中,中国政府不断地进行南海诸岛主权宣示,抗议周边国家对中国海洋国土主权的践踏,收复被占西沙岛礁,并采取切实措施加强海疆国防建设。     

The Economics of the Arms Race

The current arms race between the two superpowers is but one manifestation of a permanent arms economy in each of those countries. The reasons for each country developing such arms economies are different however, with economic mechanisms being of crucial importance in the United States, and historical/ political reasons being of over-riding importance in the Soviet Union. For the rest of the world, the outcome of the growth of such arms economies has been catastrophic. Global inflation, serious misuse and under-employment of resources, and world trade imbalances have been the economic consequences. The social and moral outcomes, especially as they affect Third World countries, have been devastating.     

Twentieth-Century Museums of National History and Literature in Contemporary Russia

The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 forced museums and other guardians of the nation's cultural heritage to reassess their priorities and develop new, nonideological missions in presenting their collections to the public.     

Culture wars in South Australia: the sex education debates

School sexuality education has been a component of Australia's successful and internationally recognized HIV/AIDS strategy since the 1980s and has been well accepted in the community. However South Australia is experiencing a re‐emergence of opposition to school sexuality education orchestrated by groups associated with the United States‐based Christian Right. In this paper I will outline sex education policy developments in Australia and the United States as a framework for discussing the controversy generated around the Sexual Health and Relationships Education (SHARE) program in South Australia in 2003. In doing so I give attention to the similarities between the strategies deployed by the opponents of SHARE and those used to install abstinence‐only‐until‐marriage sex education as national policy in the United States. I will argue that, rather than a phenomenon indigenous to South Australia, these debates are part of an international movement to progress the political goals of the Christian Right.     

A Soviet View of American Higher Education

Despite abundant criticism of the American educational system in United States publications, Soviet educators are apparently favorably impressed with some of its features. This article in a Soviet higher education journal by the Deputy Minister of Higher and Specialized Secondary Education reports on a visit to American colleges earlier this year. ["Some Problems of Higher Education in the United States," Vestnik Vysshei Shkoly, 1960, No. 5—abridged.]     

马克思主义科学哲学的两个研究传统——中俄科学哲学的发生学比较

俄(苏)和中国的科学哲学同属马克思主义传统,但各有特点.俄(苏)科学哲学的基础是苏联时期的自然科学哲学问题研究,20世纪60年代发生的"认识论转向"促成了俄(苏)科学哲学的兴起.中国科学哲学的产生根源于自然辩证法研究范式的转换.中俄科学哲学的比较研究,既可以揭示哲学的民族性,更可以从一个侧面反映各自民族的文化个性.     

全球化时代的中美海洋地缘政治与战略

全球化时代地缘政治仍是影响大国兴衰的重要因素,特别是海洋地缘政治和由其决定的海洋战略必须引起高度重视。确保制海权是美国保持霸权地位的关键。面对中国崛起的新局面和向海洋发展的趋势,美国正在构建类似于冷战时期遏制苏联的同盟。中国海军长期坚持"近海防御"和"积极防御"的海洋战略,但随着中国国家实力的增强和安全利益的全球化,需要逐步改变为"全球安全"海洋战略,这是由国家的地缘政治格局决定的。中国在继续推行以理性态度和原则解决海洋争端问题的同时,根据需要加强海上力量的发展,才能为最终实现以实力求和平创造条件。中美两国远隔浩瀚的太平洋,两国最可能发生矛盾和冲突的地方在海洋,必须防患于未然。     

Monitoring the Integrative Complexity of American and Soviet Policy Rhetoric: What Can Be Learned?

Research psychologists cannot tell us the ultimate motives behind Soviet foreign policy or the true causes of the cold war. They can, however, use content analysis methods with records of successful application in other contexts to explore the links between rhetoric and action in American-Soviet relations. This article describes a series of studies on the integrative complexity of American and Soviet foreign policy rhetoric. An ongoing time-series study (1945–1986) reveals a variety of determinants of policy rhetoric: the rhetoric of the other side, impending or current policy initiatives, American presidential election campaigns, and changes in both the American and Soviet leadership. The paper also describes preliminary work on the integrative complexity of statements of key Soviet leaders on economic and foreign policy issues, demonstrating that the current Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, is significantly more complex than either his immediate predecessors or his traditionalist rivals for the leadership. The article considers implications of the "Gorbachev effect" for our understanding of domestic Soviet politics and for designing American policy toward the Soviet Union.     

“Farewell to the Cold War”： the historical implications of China＇s normalizing its relations with the Soviet Union

从中国与冷战关系的角度看,中苏关系正常化的进程反映了中国对外政策逐步摆脱冷战时期形成的战略思维框架,以及中国决策层在改革开放中逐步形成和丰富起来的外交新理念。建国初期,中国领导人选择的发展战略是追随苏联的模式,对外政策则选择了“一边倒”与苏联结盟。经历了近三十年的动荡与波折,中国领导人终于提出了“中国特色的社会主义道路”,并选择了“独立自主的不结盟的和平外交”,这标志着自1950年代末以来,中国的国家发展战略与外交政策终于又一次实现了根本性的协调,其结果就是“告别冷战”。     

National and Ethnographic Groups in Central Asia as Reflected in Ethnic Statistics (Part 1)

The history of the multinational Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which is now more than half a century long, is a history of development of genuine flourishing — economic, political, and cultural — of all the nations and peoples united in the framework of the world's first socialist state, on a basis of indissoluable unity and friendship.