Cop Rock: Protest,Identity, and Dancing Riot Police in Jordan

Social movement scholars have long studied actors' mobilization into and continued involvement in social movement organizations. A more recent trend in social movement literature concerns cultural activism that takes place primarily outside of social movement organizations. Here I use the vegan movement to explore modes of participation in such diffuse cultural movements. As with many cultural movements, there are more practicing vegans than there are members of vegan movement organizations. Using data from ethnographic interviews with vegans, this article focuses on vegans who are unaffiliated with a vegan movement organization. The sample contains two distinctive groups of vegans – those in the punk subculture and those who were not – and investigates how they defined and practiced veganism differently. Taking a relational approach to the data, I analyze the social networks of these punk and non-punk vegans. Focusing on discourse, support, and network embeddedness, I argue that maintaining participation in the vegan movement depends more upon having supportive social networks than having willpower, motivation, or a collective vegan identity. This study demonstrates how culture and social networks function to provide support for cultural movement participation.     

The contemporary U.S. women's movement: An empirical example of competition theory

We use competition and resource mobilization perspectives to explain the rise of the contemporary U.S. women's movement. Our competition framework proposes that economic and sociodemographic changes since World War II increased competition between women and men in the marketplace. This increased competition provided motivation for the women's movement. We find support for this framework with national quantitative time-series data.     

共青团青年动员发展轨迹解析

1949--1977年,中国共产主义共青团在有计划地动员中经历了迅速增长、缓慢停滞和恢复发展三个阶段．团员人数从90万人增长到4700多万,这一组织也发展成为全国青年的组织核心和青年运动的领导核心。这一时期共青团青年动员的成功策略主要表现为动员政策、动员结构和动员方式三个方面。在计划经济和阶级斗争的社会氛围下,团员不仅是政治身份的标签,还是稀缺的政治资源,对青年有着极大的吸引力。共青团通过建立从中央到基层、层次分明、覆盖全国的动员结构,结成了完善的动员网络;通过采用自上而下的政治宣传教育,保证了动员渠道的畅通和动员力的实现。     

Mapping movement landscapes in South Africa

ABSTRACT

The concept of a movement landscape is used to analyse continuities and changes in popular mobilization since the end of formal apartheid. Focusing on four different episodes of protest since 1997, the article examines their relationship to the ANC movement and traditions, and their organizational forms. It finds a general theme of fluid and ephemeral organization, and a distrust of formal hierarchal organization, that is relatively new in South Africa. The Marikana strikes produced the most far-reaching organizational realignments, while the student struggles generated the most innovative re-imaginings of political forms and discourses. It concludes that although there have been critiques of and challenges to the ANC tradition, and experiments with new forms of organizing, they have not produced alternatives that have lasted or dislodged the dominant approaches defined and popularized by the ANC movement.     

COMMUNITY, MOVEMENT, ORGANIZATION:

This article integrates resource mobilization and collective identity perspectives to show how understanding the degree of convergence of identities between a movement organization, its broader social movement, and the community in which it is located aids our analysis of social movement dynamics. The first part develops a model of identity convergence. The second part analyzes how identity convergence and divergence interacted with the movement resource base and affected the trajectory of the East Toledo neighborhood movement—a movement that changed over time from a protest movement to a development movement.     

WOMEN'S SOCIAL MOVEMENT INVOLVEMENT:

Data derived from three years of field work illuminate women's participation in a working class, community-based environmental protest organization. Findings show that (1) initial recruitment occur through women's social networks, activating the structurally available; (2) structural availability continues to figure significantly in the ongoing mobilization process in determining who performs which tasks; and (3) the practical necessity that drives women to change their gender role behavior in the social movement organization subsequently prompts similar changes in their domestic lives.     

Everyday politics,social practices and movement networks: daily life in Barcelona's social centres

The relations between everyday life and political participation are of interest for much contemporary social science. Yet studies of social movement protest still pay disproportionate attention to moments of mobilization, and to movements with clear organizational boundaries, tactics and goals. Exceptions have explored collective identity, ‘free spaces’ and prefigurative politics, but such processes are framed as important only in accounting for movements in abeyance, or in explaining movement persistence. This article focuses on the social practices taking place in and around social movement spaces, showing that political meanings, knowledge and alternative forms of social organization are continually being developed and cultivated. Social centres in Barcelona, Spain, autonomous political spaces hosting cultural and educational events, protest campaigns and alternative living arrangements, are used as empirical case studies. Daily practices of food provisioning, distributing space and dividing labour are politicized and politicizing as they unfold and develop over time and through diverse networks around social centres. Following Melucci, such latent processes set the conditions for social movements and mobilization to occur. However, they not only underpin mobilization, but are themselves politically expressive and prefigurative, with multiple layers of latency and visibility identifiable in performances of practices. The variety of political forms – adversarial, expressive, theoretical, and routinized everyday practices, allow diverse identities, materialities and meanings to overlap in movement spaces, and help explain networks of mutual support between loosely knit networks of activists and non‐activists. An approach which focuses on practices and networks rather than mobilization and collective actors, it is argued, helps show how everyday life and political protest are mutually constitutive.     

A theoretical framework for comparisons of social movement participation

This article attempts to draft a framework for the comparison of movement participation. The standards of comparison I developed at the movement level were the magnitude of mobilization potentials, the composition of multiorganizational fields, organizational characteristics, and action orientation. Utilizing this framework, I compared mobilization campaigns for three different types of activities conducted by three different movements: a campaign conducted by a labor union for, possibly, a strike, a campaign of the Dutch peace movement in a local community for a national demonstration, and campaigns by women's groups in a community for a variety of activities. I explain differences in motivational dynamics and levels of participation in terms of differing movement characteristics. Finally, I discuss the advantages of comparative work on social movements.     

From hostile skepticism to strategic utilization: how the Brazilian landless movement learned from repression to use legislation

This paper explores the evolution of the Landless Movement’s practices with respect to legislation and public policy from the 1980s to the Temer government, which took power after Dilma Rousseff was removed from the Presidency in 2016. The main argument is that the movement has learned over time, from viewing government with hostile skepticism, to understanding its relationship with different administrations in terms of strategic utilization. Central to this argument is that instead of the government’s use of repression contributing to demobilization, a variety of acts initially intended to suppress the movement subsequently provided the Landless Movement with knowledge on institutions, policies, and laws. Such lessons contributed to the movement’s ability to address a variety of its internal weaknesses. How lessons have been acquired, as well as how the movement has altered its approach with respect to the state, becomes apparent in subnational comparisons and in charting developments in the movement’s approach to federal legislation over time. Actual changes in the movement, most notably in terms of leadership, organization, and tactics, have taken place, making it well-prepared to confront the Temer administration’s efforts to suppress mobilization.     

LEADERSHIP AND MEMBERSHIP IN THE NUCLEAR FREEZE MOVEMENT:

Participation in social movement activities is distinguished from occupancy of leadership positions in social movement organizations. Two alternative theoretical models derived from the resource mobilization literature, the progression and circulation models, are summarized and their implications regarding participation and leadership are specified. Hypotheses are enumerated for the explanatory factors of individual's self-interest and resources; attitudes, beliefs, and ideology; past organizational experience; background characteristics; and the nature of the association of the individual to the organization. Particular attention is paid to areas where the theoretical models indicate different relationships between the explanatory factors and the outcome variables of participation level and leadership status, and critical tests between the two models are specified. The hypotheses and critical tests are applied to data gathered from a survey of participants in the Cleveland nuclear freeze organization. Self-interest, resource and background characteristics are not found to be associated with either participation level or leadership status. Past experiences and beliefs are important in determining participation levels whereas leadership status is largely explained by the nature of organizational-individual association. The results of the critical testing indicate the circulation model fits the data better than the progression model. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed and some additional factors helpful in explaining the results are considered.     

Ideological Contention: Antonio Gramsci and the Connection Between Race and Social Movement Mobilization in Early Twentieth-Century Italy

This article introduces the concept “ideological contention” into the study of social movements and demonstrates the concept through an analysis of the relationship between race and mobilization in modern national contexts. The analysis links the emergence of scientific racism to the period of large nation state consolidation and the development of liberal political ideologies across Western nations. The paper demonstrates that movement struggles within the context of a national ideological framework impact the organization, process of ideological elaboration, and strategic choices a movement makes. I explore how ideology organizes, coordinates, and mobilizes movement members in political processes through a study of Sardinian worker, peasant, and communist struggles in the context of a modernized and industrialized Italy (1917–1920). I argue that reevaluating the theoretical and empirical relationship between ideology and the frame perspective could strengthen analyses of social movement struggles.     

THE IMPACT OF SUPPORT RESOURCES ON LOCAL CHAPTER OPERATIONS IN THE ANTIDRUNK-DRIVING MOVEMENT

Resource mobilization is critical for the development of social movement organizations. This study evaluates the differential impact of membership support and community organization support on the goals and operations of local chapters of Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD). It was found that membership support is associated with the programming goals of local chapters, that is, public awareness, victim assistance, and promoting antidrunk-driving legislation. Community organization support was only associated with youth education as a programming emphasis. In terms of organizational operations, membership support was associated with more central office contacts and increased contacts with other MADD chapters and more cooperative programming with the national central office of MADD. In contrast community organization support was associated with less contact and more disagreement with the central office on policies and less cooperation on programs.     

Protest,Cyberactivism and New Social Movements: The Reemergence of the Peace Movement Post 9/11

This paper examines ways in which the Internet and alternative forms of media have enhanced the global, yet grassroots, political mobilization in the anti-war effort in the post 9/11 environment. An examination of the role of cyberactivism in the peace movement enhances our understanding of social movements and contentious politics by analyzing how contemporary social movements are using advanced forms of technology and mass communication as a mobilizing tool and a conduit to alternative forms of media. These serve as both a means and target of protest action and have played a critical role in the organization and success of internal political mobilizing.     

STATUS DIVISIONS AND WORKER MOBILIZATION

The relatively conservative trajectory of the American labor movement often has been attributed to enduring status divisions among workers such as race and ethnicity, occupation, and skill. Such divisions, it has been argued in the literature, fragment working-class organization and pose limits on solidarity. Recent analyses of labor and class-based mobilization, however, have begun to challenge this assumption, suggesting that the impact of pertinent worker divisions is quite varied. In this article I draw from and extend these literatures by examining how workplace stratification impacts individual strike participation. The analyses draw on unique individual level data from a recent strike by the Communication Workers of America. Findings speak to the complexities of worker action, and show that status divisions among workers, while meaningful for strike participation, do not preclude successful collective action. I conclude by discussing the implications for labor mobilization more generally.     

"REVERSE DISCRIMINATION" CASES IN THE FEDERAL COURTS: Legal Mobilization by a Countermovement

This article argues that those opposing affirmative action and reverse discrimination constitute a countermovement, working against the social movement for equal employment opportunity (EEO). Like women and minorities promoting EEO, opponents of reverse discrimination utilize litigation as a social movement tactic, mobilizing federal EEO laws. This study analyzes judicial decisions in EEO reverse discrimination cases between 1965 and 1985 to test four hypotheses about countermovement legal mobilization: that (1) many cases reach court, (2) plaintiffs are highly organized, (3) organization relates to success in court, (4) and plaintiffs win. Contrary to expectations, few reverse discrimination cases occur, and plaintiffs are not well-organized and usually lose; better-organized plaintiffs meet more success but there are few of them. The cases provide little evidence that reverse discrimination is widespread.     

The Ambiguous Role of Welfare Structures in Relation to the Emergence of Activism Among Disabled People: research evidence from Northern Ireland

The boundary between the disability movement and traditional forms of welfare production, whether in the statutory or voluntary sectors is discussed in this article. Drawing on the resource mobilization paradigm in social movement theory, it discusses the role played by existing welfare structures in the formation of disabled people as activists and in the initial stages of mobilization. The article reports on the findings of interviews with activists in the emerging disability movement in Northern Ireland, a region with a very low level of movement activity. It concludes that in such areas, disabled people often lack the resources to mobilize on their own account and are heavily dependent on formal welfare for the necessary networks and opportunities. Although this can be a significant constraint, it is not necessarily so if these opportunities enable the infant movement associations to grow beyond the welfare settings lying behind their emergence. This is more likely to take place if other supportive factors are in place. Many of the required resources are to be found within more traditional voluntary organisations. Few of these organisations play any role in the process of mobilization. But where mobilization is taking place, they are invariably present.     

Mobilizing Voluntary Associations into a Social Movement: The Case of Environmental Quality*

The mobilization behavior of voluntary associations in a community was studied to explain why some organizations were successfully recruited into the environmental quality movement and others were not. Analysis of a random sample of 209 community organizations in a midwest urban area showed that approximately half were mobilized into supporting the environmental quality movement. Hypotheses on the effects of goal overlap, organizational resources, and position in the multi-organizational field were tested. The significant factors were the size of the manpower base, the leader's personal mobilization into the environmental quality movement and the allocation of social responsibility among community groups for solving local pollution probems. The last factor—the acceptance or rejection of group responsibility for working for the collective good—emerged as the most important explanatory factor. Thirty-one percent of the variance in the mobilization of organizational interest and 22 percent of the variance in the mobilization of group activity was explained.     

COMPETITIVE FRAMING PROCESSES IN THE ABORTION DEBATE: Polarization-vilification, Frame Saving, and Frame Debunking

This article investigates how frame alignment processes are employed by a social movement organization in competitive response to a countermovement. Though the battles between feminist organizations such as NOW and conservative opposition are waged in many arenas, we focus exclusively on the ideological clash around abortion. After briefly describing the context of encounters, we examine the challenges launched against perceived threats to reproductive rights using New York State NOW chapter newsletters spanning 1970–1988. We identify three rhetorical strategies used by NOW to counterframe the debate for its members. polarization-vilification, frame debunking, and frame saving. Our findings suggest that in the face of opposition, framing strategies are modified with the goal of mobilization.     

Phantasy and Social Movements: An Ontology of Pro-Space Activism

Psychoanalysis has a long history of influence in the study of collective behaviour, and this paper argues that it has a great deal to contribute to the study of one vitally important and under-researched aspect of social movement activity; the fantasies activists have about life in the social worlds they would like to see in the future. The paper uses empirical research findings to show that, in the case of activists campaigning to further the human exploration, development and settlement of outer space, these fantasies can be fundamental to activists' motivation. Psychoanalysis helps us understand these fantasies as conscious manifestations of unconscious phantasies. However, the paper also addresses the criticisms social movement theory has made of reductionist psychoanalysis, arguing that the study of activists' fantasies must include accounts of the ways in which social forces influence unconscious processes, the discourses used by activists to understand their cause, and the organization of the movement.     

Turning to the Courts: A Quantitative Analysis of the Gay and Lesbian Movement’s Use of Legal Mobilization

We quantitatively examine the factors influencing the lesbian and gay movement’s involvement in state-level appellate cases through an analysis of Lambda Legal’s judicial agenda from 1981 through 2000. We combine a list of state appellate cases involving gay and lesbian rights during this period with data from Lambda’s “Docket Update” to create a data set that identifies which cases Lambda was involved in. We theorize that Lambda’s involvement will be shaped by the potential policy implications of the case, the organization’s ability to influence the outcome, and organizational membership concerns. Using logistic regression, we examine the effect of case characteristics, the political and cultural climate in the state, and variations in the state’s lesbian and gay community on the likelihood of Lambda participating in a particular state-level case. We add to the understanding of movement tactical decisions and the factors influencing the likelihood of legal mobilization.