哈尼梯田香蕉种植问题的民族学考察--以云南省元阳县猛懂村为例

哈尼梯田成功申遗为哈尼族经济与社会发展带来了机遇,依托梯田稻作促进哈尼族发展是其发展的趋势。然而现阶段由于梯田稻作经济价值较低,猛懂村选择了香蕉种植,香蕉种植破坏了哈尼梯田文化和生态环境,因此本文就挖掘梯田经济价值、保护哈尼梯田文化和开展生态修复等方面提出建议。     

哈尼梯田香蕉种植问题的民族学考察——以云南省元阳县猛懂村为例

哈尼梯田成功申遗为哈尼族经济与社会发展带来了机遇,依托梯田稻作促进哈尼族发展是其发展的趋势。然而现阶段由于梯田稻作经济价值较低,猛懂村选择了香蕉种植,香蕉种植破坏了哈尼梯田文化和生态环境,因此本文就挖掘梯田经济价值、保护哈尼梯田文化和开展生态修复等方面提出建议。     

哈尼梯田──千古不绝农耕文化大乐章

若干个世纪的生命与血汗的堆积，让哈尼族人把无数座山变成了梯田的世界。层层叠叠数百级乃至上千级的梯田，似道道天梯由山脚直逼山顶，气势凌霄，搏空荡宇……这就是世界奇迹──哈尼梯田。哈尼梯田主要分市在哀牢山南段红河的部分流域、藤条河流域和李仙江部分流域（台称三江流域），红河哈尼族彝族自治州内哈尼族聚居的元阳、红河、绿春、金平四县是梯田最集中的地区。从总体上看，梯田的分布规模从元江（红河）水系向西至澜沧江水系呈逐渐递减的态势，梯田的分市区域与哈尼族的居住区域基本一致。哈尼族源于青海、甘肃、四川和西藏接台…     

哈尼梯田接云天

彩云之南哈尼族聚居的哀牢山区,山山岭岭梯田散布在云雾山间。数百级乃至上千级梯田层层叠叠,从河谷水边到云雾深处,突破时空,作古与今的连接,人间天上的沟通。美丽壮观的哈尼梯田,是哈尼族人认识自然、利用自然、寻求与自然合而为一的和谐生存空问的伟大创造,是哈尼族民族精神的象征。哈尼梯田历经上千年的垦殖,是人类发展生态农业的伟大创举,是世界农耕文化史上的奇迹。山岭雕塑春日的早晨,我们行进在连绵     

舞蹈生态学视角下的哈尼族木雀舞舞蹈形态探析

哈尼族木雀舞巧用道具,拟雀而舞,是哈尼族梯田稻作文化的典型身体艺术。文章以舞蹈生态学为研究视角,通过对其舞蹈形态的舞动因子分析,进而探索影响其形态、律动的因素,从而在微观上完善对哈尼族木雀舞的整体研究。     

哈尼族梯田旅游的文化之美

哈尼族梯田文化旅游资源具有独特的历史文化价值、科学考察价值和美学观赏价值,是我国梯田文化的代表;哈尼族梯田文化之美可概括为丰富内涵美、悠久历史美、和谐共生美、民族精魂美、自然景观美、朴实生活美.     

善开梯田的哈尼族

朋友,当你来到云南省哀牢山区,你会看到云贵高原上的一种奇景! 红河两岸,层层叠叠的梯田布满千山万壑。有的梯田高达数百层,从山脚一直伸延到山顶,象一架架彩色天梯伸向天边,十分壮观。夏天,秧苗一片翠绿,如块块织毯铺满岭顶坡底;秋天,梯田里金光闪射,哀牢山被映衬得一派明亮火红。这里,就是哈尼族的家乡,她多么壮阔而秀美啊!哈尼族善开梯田,有种植梯田的丰富经验。他们能根据不同的地形、土质去     

大山孕育梯田魂——简介《哈尼梯田文化》画集

大山孕育梯田魂———简介《哈尼梯田文化》画集文／金持元刘树枫在我国云南哈尼族聚居的滇南高山上，遍布着层层的梯田。大则十亩八亩，小则形如澡盆，顺着山势的蜿蜒，层层叠蜒，似天梯扶摇直上，以其和谐的线条勾勒在大山上。远远望去，有的闪现在云海里、深谷间，有的...     

哈尼族服饰文化解读——访哈尼族文化学者黄绍文

哈尼族是一个具有悠久历史和灿烂文化的民族。勤劳勇敢智慧的哈尼族在千百年的农耕文化中创造了森林、村寨、梯田、江河“四素同构”的良性农业生态系统和梯田文化景观,体现了人与自然和谐、人与人和睦、人与神共处的古老而优秀的文化特质。哈尼人穿的是艺术,戴的是神话,其服饰是哈尼族灿烂文化中的重要组成部分。自织自染的小土布衣服,反映了哈尼族自耕自足的农业生态特征,以黑为美的民族审美观念,反映了哈尼族大山般的深沉和厚重,头上的“吴芭”刻录着祖先迁徙的历史,胸前的银饰记载了宇宙万物的起源。服饰是人类文化的结晶,也是承载民族历史有形的文化符号。千百年来,哈尼族从祖国西北向西南乃至东南亚迁徙过程中,形成了千姿百态、异彩纷呈的服饰特色。如何欣赏和解读哈尼族服饰图案象征文化与服饰变迁,记者近日走访了哈尼族文化学者、云南红河哈尼文化国际研究中心副研究员黄绍文先生……     

中国农田史上七种田制之一的梯田

云南红河南岸多山,多年来生息在那里的哈尼族人民经一代一代的辛勤努力,把哀牢山区的一座座高山开辟出层层叠叠的梯田,从河谷一直延伸到云雾缭绕、时隐时现     

哈尼族宗教组织与双重性社会结构——以箐口村"摩匹-咪谷"为例

哈尼族延续至今的两种神职人员摩匹与咪谷,立足于当地血缘和地缘关系,以各自的宗教功能,形成了相互补充的"摩匹-咪谷"宗教组织.哈尼族以村寨为基点,血缘、地缘关系逐层裂化地交替作用,最终构筑起该民族独特的双重性社会结构.对箐口村的田野调查表明,"摩匹-咪谷"组织从血缘和地缘不同方向出发,高度同构地与这种双重性社会结构进行着有效互动.     

从民间文学看哈尼族的传统生态观

The Hani’s rich folk literature has preserved their traditional culture. Interpreting it from the perspective of ecological culture may lead us to the conclusion that the Hani’s traditional eco-logical understanding is that of a harmonious rela-tionship between man and nature. This ecological understanding is similar to that of other ethnic groups in Yunnan, such as the Bai, Dai, Wa, Yao, Naxi, Jingpo, Bulang, and other ethnic groups, which shows that this ecological under-standing is common across the Chinese nation. Meanwhile, this ecological understanding has an enlightening role for human beings to keep the eco-logical balance in the present day. This article tries to investigate the deep connection between the Hani’s folk literature and the natural ecology, and reveals the Hani’s traditional ecological under-standing. 1 . The Hani’s traditional ecological under-standing is revealed in their folk literature The Hani have no fairy tales in the strict sense, their literature is a kind of“universal litera-ture” enjoyed by both adults and children. Howev-er, the Hani’s folk literature also created a roman-tic world similar to that of fairy tales. This “fairy tale world” is just the world of nature reflected in the Hani’s literature. The typical characteristics of this world are harmony and happiness. In this har-monious and happy world, mountains are a para-dise for man and all other things on earth. In this paradise, man is only a part of nature, they are not the spirit or the core of the world. Man, animals and plants have their own places, and their own happiness. Meanwhile, they support each other, and have a common development. In a word, man and nature have a highly harmonious relationship. When environmental protection and ecological bal-ance become a common topic in today’s discourse, one can gain some insight by reading Hani fairy tales and legends. Therefore, digging out the eco-logical beauty from Hani folk literature still has a practical purpose. How then does Hani folk literature describe the relationship between man and nature? We find that the Hani folk literature is full of stories con-cerning how the animals and plants save mankind. Many works reflect this idea: if mankind had not been assisted by the animals and plants, it must have died out long ago, therefore, man should show his thanks to the animals by protecting them. Be-cause the animals and plants saved man’s life, and man knew to show his gratitude to them, the rela-tionship between man and nature is always good in the fairy tales, although they live in their own ways, they never disturb each other — they have a totally harmonious relationship. Moreover, man can even marry animals and have descendants with them. The harmonious relationship between man, animals and plants is a basic theme of the Hani folk literature, as well as a basic part of the Hani eco-logical understanding. The relationship between man, animals and plants reflects not only a friend-
ship, but a kind of family relation, because they can even become couples, although the couples can sometimes suddenly turn hostile — they may have disagreements or even come to blows. When this happens, the deities could help to solve the problem— this is another aspect which reflects a harmoni-ous relationship between man, animals and plants. In the Hani folk literature, the harmony be-tween man and nature is also reflected in the mutu-al assistance between man, animals and plants. In this kind of literature, man, animals and plants are always equal; they not only have a common goal and the same standards for good and evil, but also have a common language, with which man, animals and plants are able to negotiate with each other, help each other and reap their own rewards. 2 . The cultural sources of the Hani’s tradition-al ecological understanding Although literature is a creation of the writer, it reflects social life. The writers’ imaginings can-not be separated from the practicalities of place, and folk literature has its own particularity. Folk literature is created by several folk artists from gen-eration to generation. It might be a result from sev-eral people’s discussions during the creative process or when the work is passed down, hence, it is typically collective work and has typically mass characteristics. Although the individual plays a significant role in the creation of a work, the content of folk literature does not always reflect a single artist’s idea, but the idea of a group. There-fore, we say that the harmonious ecological under-standing reflected in the Hani literature actually re-flects an overall awareness of the Hani people. Why did the Hani form this kind of common awareness, then? We believe that it is decided by the Hani’s living environment and common cultural resources. Most Hani people live in the mountain-ous or semi-mountainous areas between Mt. Ailao and Mt. Mengle. The living environment partly in-fluences ideology. Because of the level of inacces-sability, and self -sufficient life style, communi-cation among the different Hani villages is rare,
however, what they see every day in their living ar-eas are mountains; therefore, their similar living environment leads them to have a similar under-standing of the mountains. The Hani are a “migrated ethnic group”. Their ancestors originally lived in the remote north. Due to natural and social causes, they moved south. Following the cultural development and improvement of natural conditions, their popu-lation gradually increased. After they stepped into the mountainous areas of Mt. Ailao, they had im-proved material conditions and peaceful life, and the population dramatically increased. Later, they settled down in the broad area of the Honghe and Lishejiang drainage basins. The Hani’s history of migration and development indicates that no matter how large a population they have, and how they are scattered, their culture has the same origin. Therefore, tracing the origin of the Hani culture is very important to understand why the Hani share a common awareness of the harmonious relationship between man and nature. Another point worth noting is that the Hani are called as an “Ethnic Group of Stories”. The Hani like telling stories, and making up stories, therefore, there are many popular stories among the Hani. This is because Hani have no writing, which makes the essence of the Hani culture lie in their oral stories. The ancestors’ stories, and their wisdom are all spread and handed down through these stories. The Hani stories actually play act as cultural carriers, burdened with the task of preser-ving culture, and playing an educational role. It is due to the influence of the ancestors’ traditional culture that the Hani have kept an awareness of maintaining a harmonious relationship between man, animals and plants. Then, which factors in the Hani’s cultural origin have promoted this awareness and made it exist for a long time? This article separately discusses the impact of the origin of the heavens, earth, man, animals, and plants, as well as the understanding of animism to this awareness.
In the Hani’s traditional religion, animism is a basic tenet. The Hani believe that the universe is created by the gods, and all things on earth are brought about by the gods. These deities infuse the things in the universe with a spirit; man cannot hurt other things, including those things without life;and the proper relationship between man and nature is harmony. A harmonious relationship means to obey the deities’ will, and is a special representation of their worship. Some people be-lieve that the formation of this kind of understand-ing is directly related to the ecological environment in which the Hani live. They live in the mountain-ous areas and conduct farming work from genera-tion to generation. The forest and water sources are their basic production materials. While using and transforming nature, they must protect and respect nature. Only in this way can an ethnic group un-dergo constant development in a difficult environ-ment—this already has become common knowledge during the process of inheriting the Chinese culture in the past thousand years. And to the Hani peo-ple, this is their principle, as well as their life philosophy. The Hani’s understanding of animism is a kind of pantheistic ideology, which belongs to religious aspect and does not fit with materialism. However the understanding of animism plays a very big role in the Hani’s formation of a self-consciousness in protecting the animals and plants, and keeping the ecological balance. Its role is not limited to an in-dividual or a local area, instead, its meaning to the whole Hani area cannot be underestimated. Hence, we take it as one of the sources for the for-mation of the harmonious natural understanding of all Hani people.     

仪式嬗变与妇女角色——元阳县箐口村哈尼族"苦扎扎"仪式的人类学考察

在连续三年对箐口村哈尼族的"苦扎扎"(六月节)仪式的观察基础上,描述了该项仪式的基本内容及其变迁,认为"苦扎扎"仪式在表达祈福消灾意愿时,特别强调社区中个人的生活目的及生存意义必须与有意义的神圣秩序系统相联系.日常生产生活方式的变迁,尤其是妇女在现实社会活动中的角色变化,已在改变着仪式的某些内容和意义.文章认为,神圣与世俗及社会性别等方面的界限确定及变化都是制度文化建构的结果.制度文化在规约社会行为的同时也为人们在其间能动地进行创造提供了条件.     

布朗族女性婚恋方式的变迁及其影响

本文以田野调查资料为依据,从民族学的角度记述了20世纪90年代以来云南布朗山布朗族女性择偶条件与婚恋方式的变迁。文章认为,内地青年男女择偶的价值追求为布朗族女性嫁往内地提供了条件。文章还探讨了布朗族女性大量嫁往内地这一现象对布朗族社会文化的影响。     

经济消耗与社会构建——箐口村哈尼族丧礼的经济人类学阐释

哈尼族私人生活领域仪式中最为隆重和耗费最大的是丧礼.对箐口村丧礼中的经济消耗的分析证明,它并不是非理性的,而是具备着按大致同等比例灵活决定实际支出、契约式的代际转移、有等级差异的社会性消耗等主要特征.它是一种独特的食物储存、再分配和分期提取的制度.丧礼礼物的赠予和分配过程进一步表明,哈尼族丧礼的根本要义,就在于通过经济的消耗,来实现当地基于亲属与非亲属区分的传统社会结构的再生产.     

Pornographic eroticism and sexual grotesquerie in representations of African American sportswomen

Sport is used as a lens through which ‘white’ people are encouraged to analyse how they construct and view ‘black’ people. Sport is linked to an analysis of the ways that sections of the media have framed tennis champions Serena and Venus Williams as threats. This article examines how key media spokespeople use disparaging racist and sexist stereotypes that no longer focus on female passivity and weakness to denigrate their physical power and mental strength. It argues for a new critical race consciousness that can inform sporting commentary and media narratives to enable African American women and men to envision and achieve equality within a broader framework of social justice.     

Cross-border mobility,transnationality and ethnicity as resources: european Somalis’ post-migration mobility practices

Based on a qualitative study, this article explores post-migration mobility practices developed by Somali women and men who have settled in Europe. It focuses on the ‘politics of mobility’, considering cross-border mobility an unequally distributed resource through which people access different forms of capital, and thus an element of social differentiation. The article reveals that respondents invest resources in places other than those where they acquired them, benefiting from a favourable symbolic exchange rate between the different places. Furthermore, while a significant part of the economic, social and cultural capital of these migrants is acquired within ethnically diversified contexts, it is mostly reinvested in networks and places where their Somali ethnicity becomes an asset—either in ethnically homogeneous networks or in activities that address Somali people's needs. Cross-border mobility, transnationality and ethnicity become core resources that enable these migrants to mobilise their capital where it can be valued most highly and to access advantageous social positions, thus fostering upward social mobility. The article argues that these strategies are less the result of an identity-based ethnic preference than a compensatory mechanism implemented by people who have few prospects of having their assets valued within the wider networks in their country of residence.     

云南少数民族老年妇女经济保障的结构性脆弱——社会性别视角

I. The current situation of ethnic minority women’ s economic security One of the most prominent problems faced by the international community is how to ensure the e-conomic security of the elderly, and how to help those elderly people who have lost the ability to work to be properly cared for. According to Yang Shijie’s investigation, 75% of the poor population in Yunnan are ethnic minorities, and of this fig-ure, minority women are more impoverished than men. 1 . The poverty rate in Yunnan is a little bit higher than the national average poverty level. Although Yunnan’s economic indicators have made considerable progress, they have yet to reach the national average because of the province’s ho-mogenous industrial structure, low level of indus-trialization, and high proportion of resource indus-tries. The average wage of workers in Yunnan is only 85. 85% of the national average wage, and the poverty rate is higher than the national aver-age. 2 . There is a significant number of elderly women without pensions, and their poverty rate is high in Yunnan. Due to the dual urban-rural structure of the social and economic system, as well as the design issues related to the social pension security system connected with employment, the number of elderly women without pensions is quite significant in Chi-
na. In ethnic minority areas, only 24. 12% of peo-ple over the age of 60 have a pension, among them, the number of women is considerably lower than for men, accounting for only 10%. Elderly women from ethnic minorities are further excluded from the social pension security system. Only a small population of elderly ethnic women enjoy the benefits of the system, and their average monthly pension is significantly lower than that of the men. Compared with elderly men, elderly women rely more on other members of the family. 3 . The high rate of widowhood brings difficul-ties to the elderly. According to a sampling survey of 10% of the national population in 2010 , the widower ratio is 29. 55%, and widow ratio is 70. 45% among eth-nic minorities aged over 60 . Ethnic minority women devote more energy to unpaid housework in their youth and middle age, and their chances of finding employment are low. This means they normally de-pend on their spouse when they become old, how-ever, the loss of their spouse makes them even poorer, and increases their risk of falling into pov-erty. 4 . The ethnic minority women ’s property rights are difficult to be protected. Because of the influence of outmoded feudal i-deas in the ethnic minority villages, women gener-ally have no right to inherit property. For example, among the Pumi, property is inherited by the men, and women generally have no right to inherit. The
case is the same with the Naxi ethnicity. In the in-heritance systems of the ethnic minority people in Yunnan, wives rarely have the right of inherit-ance;the custom of“passing property to the men, but not the women” is still quite prevalent. If the husband dies, the wife will not only find it difficult to inherit her husband’s property, but may also lose her own property, including land rights. This leads to a low rate of property ownership among widows. II. Analysis of the causes of vulnerability of the gender structure 1 . Cultural lag American sociologist W. F. Ogburn was the first to use this concept, which refers to the time lag between material culture and non - material culture in the course of social change. Generally speaking, change in material culture occurs faster than in non -material culture, and they are not synchronized, so there is a gap between them. Ethnic minority women in Yunnan have been af-fected by the patrilineal system up to the present day, which influences the thought and behavior of all ethnic groups, and gradually builds a psycho-logical barrier in the ethnic women’ s minds, con-straining their talent and creativity. Yunnan is lo-cated in China’s southwest frontier region, and the ethnic minorities live in remote and isolated moun-tainous areas, where the concept of the low status of women is ingrained, and thus not easily changed. 2 . The cumulative effect of education and em-ployment Compared with boys, there are different edu-cational expectations on or investments in the girls in the social culture, which brings disadvantages to women looking for employment of in their youth and middle age. Because they can generally only involve themselves in housework, it is not possible for them to accumulate employment experiences, and this leads to a negative economic status when they become old. 1) Low level of education. Due to the tradi-tional influence of “valuing sons over daughters”,
the number of ethnic minority women who have not attended school is significantly higher than that of men; the number of ethnic minority women who have never received an education is more than twice as high as the number of men. The phenome-non of early marriage and childbearing in ethnic minority areas is still prominent. Due to the influ-ence of early marriage culture, the girls do not generally wish to receive a higher education. Addi-tionally, because of the development of tourism, girls tend to drop out of school very early and in-volve themselves in business or becoming tour guides. All these factors lead to ethnic minority women’s lower level of education. Because they do not receive a higher, or even elementary educa-tion, women’s lives are concentrated around the family and housework. 2 ) Devotion to housework. The elderly ethnic minority women not only have to take part in agri-cultural production, but they also have to take care of the “left-behind” children whose parents have left to work in urban areas. For instance, De’ang women play an important role in family, social and economic activities; they have to bear the load of heavy housework every day, including carrying wa-ter, collecting firewood, cooking, feeding pigs, cattle and children, weaving, washing clothes and farming. The Bulang women, together with the men, have created the ancient Bulang culture, and women play the role of “main tentpole” in the housework and farming. According to our investi-gations of the Yi in Chuxiong of Yunnan province, Yi women spend on average over six hours each day on housework, and most men almost never par-ticipate in housework. 3 ) Unemployment or low paid occupation. Ethnic minority women’s degree of participation in social labor is low, however, their housework du-ties are taken for granted, and not recognized by the wider society, so their labor value is underesti-mated, even ignored. Due to their low level of ed-ucation and contribution to unpaid housework, a lot of ethnic minority women are unemployed. E-
ven though a small number of them are in employ-ment, their jobs are concentrated in the low in-come industries, and few of them are supported by social insurance. 3 . Traditional gender roles in the division of labor Because of the traditional gender roles in the division of labor, the social expectations for the women’s role is still family-centered. This means women have to bear a lot of housework duties and child rearing responsibilities. Due to women’s spe-cial physiological characteristics, women have a double burden: the responsibility of human pro-duction and social production. However, under the influence of gender inequality, women who have made great contributions to the development of so-ciety and humanity have been subjected to unfair treatment. Their contribution is regarded as a bur-den unique to women or indeed the women’s natu-ral weakness, and can even become a discrimina-tory factor in employment and promotion—this is a great injustice to women. In summary, it seems that the structure of the fragility of elderly ethnic minority women is a sim-ply an issue of sex difference, but it essentially re-flects the social system and conceptual culture of“valuing sons over daughters” which is ingrained in the minority areas, and is an issue of gender in-equality. III. Countermeasures and suggestions The elderly ethnic minority women are a spe-cial group in China’s aging population. This group shows a structural vulnerability due to such as in-fluences of ethnicity and regional location, eco-nomic conditions, educational level, marital sta-tus. From the perspective of social gender, this paper studies the economic security status of ethnic aged women, analyzes the problems of economic security for this group, and puts forward some poli-cy recommendations for improving the economic se-curity situation of the elderly women in ethnic mi-nority areas. 1 . The state should increase investment in tye economic development of ethnic minority areas in order to provide more jobs and solve the problem of employment of women. Economic development in the minority areas could provide adequate economic security to improve the living conditions of the eld-erly women in those areas. 2 . The concept of gender equality needs to be strengthened. Women should enjoy equal rights in education, and equal employment opportunities as men, as well as equal rights in the husband-wife relationship. In addition, we cannot simply take each gender as exactlythe same, but should under-stand the psychological and physiological difference between men and woman, and pursue gender e-quality in terms of society, personality, opportuni-ties, and rights. 3 . National policy should afford some recogni-tion to women and their capacity for childbirth. Due to physiological factors, women have to take the responsibility of childbirth and feeding the child, however, they also have to work . Women’s contributions to the family will inevitably lead to their inferior position in terms of social professional competition. Therefore, when policies are drawn up, the physiological characteristics of men and women should be considered, moreover, gender awareness and gender equality should be a part of various policies. 4 . Policies should protect women’s employ-ment rights, and ethnic minority areas should en-courage women to go out to work. The state should make policies to protect women’s employment rights, solve the problem of sexual discrimination which might exist in the workplace, and create e-qual employment opportunities so as to reduce the probability of elderly women from ethnic minority areas becoming impoverished . 5 . Improve the urban and rural pension sys-tem, and improve women’s pension insurance cov-erage rate.     

Exile,gender and identity: the short stories of Afghanistani author Maryam Mahboob

The last two decades of the twentieth century witnessed the largest migration of the Afghanistani population in modern history. More than six million people migrated to neighbouring countries, and to North America, Europe and Australia. Among them were almost all of Afghanistan's female authors; some eventually returned, but others chose to remain in diaspora. Some stopped writing, while others have continued. Maryam Mahboob was the first Afghanistani female author to leave Afghanistan (in 1981). Her major works since then have dealt chiefly with the issues of women living in ‘Outlandia’. Having been treated as second-class citizens in Afghanistan, how do Afghanistani migrant women perceive their social status in a new environment? How has migration affected the lives of Afghanistani women of different generations? Have they assimilated with the new culture and adopted new identities, or have they retained their cultural identities and stayed in closed communities? How do these women perceive their ‘new home’ vis-à-vis the ‘old home-land’. What does it mean to be a female author from a Third World Islamic society living and writing in the First World? Why does Mahboob still write overwhelmingly about themes from her place of origin and in her native language, after so much time abroad?     

对电影《花腰新娘》的人类学解读

本文把电影《花腰新娘》作为人类学"文化批评"的一个文本,将其看做现代传媒文化对民族传统文化的一种阐释,并从人类学的角度对这种阐释做了分析.文章考察当地人(花腰彝)如何解读电影中关于他们的文化和生活的信息,如何表达他们对其中的意识形态的态度,又如何围绕媒体来组织他们的社会文化活动及经济活动.文章同时提出了民族文化传媒化过程中需要进一步思考的一些问题.