从"华盛顿共识"到"渐进-制度观"--中东欧国家转型理论探析

20世纪90年代剧变后的中东欧国家相继开始从中央计划经济到市场经济的转型.最初这些国家大都接受"华盛顿共识"的建议,实行自由化、稳定化、私有化,力图立刻"跳入"自由市场经济.但随之灾难性的衰退出现,而转型中的种种问题也推动了转型理论的发展,"渐进-制度观"日益为学术界和转型国家所接受.     

边疆、边界与国家:韦伯的“农业-政治”研究的理论启发

本文以19世纪90年代中期德国的工业化和城市化过程为背景,以韦伯对"农业-政治"问题的讨论为核心,提出了国家的边疆、边界等问题,讨论人口、物资、资本等流动下的国家经济建设与政治结构。文中涉及的实质性问题包括：全球化、工业化背景之下的农村发展问题,国家建设与国家治理思路,以及国家边界的多重（政治、经济与文化）含义。本文认为,在法律、政治、经济等角度的国家观之外,可以建立一种社会取向的、以国民为核心的"国民-国家"观,即包容多元,建立共识,赋予国民以平等的基本权利,并建立国民共享权责和符合国民基本特质的政体制度。     

论20世纪50年代美国"垮掉的一代"文学

"垮掉的一代"是美国二战后兴起的一股反文化潮流,"垮掉派"是战后美国文学的重要流派之一。以塞林格、凯鲁亚克和金斯伯格为代表的垮掉派作家在20世纪50年代美国历史变革时期,以他们特有的方式对美国现存秩序发起了挑战。在文学上,他们摒弃了重形式轻内容的学院派传统,自由地表达自己的情感、个性和需求,形成了不拘一格的创作观和美学思想。     

马克思的现实观对我国国家治理的启示

文章基于马克思的现实观探讨如何切中中国社会现实,以及对中国特色"国家治理"的启示,即以马克思现实观的核心内涵——"实践的创造性"为出发点,突出马克思的现实观对中国实际情况的创造性变革和改造,这样才能突出国家治理的中国特色。首先,要把握中国社会现实,明确社会实存的本质,以及还原现实,对现实客体(中国社会的特殊性)进行研究;其次,国家治理要把握理论-现实-实践三者之间的关系;再次,还要运用马克思切中现实的方法——历史唯物主义和辩证的方法。     

“国家的引力定律”及其历史逻辑——从马克思的一个重要命题谈起

马克思在其撰写的《〈科隆日报〉第179号的社论》中提出了一个重要命题——国家的引力定律,即"国家的重心是在它本身中找到的"。其基本内涵是指国家作为一个由多重要素构成的有机体,在其形成和发展中起决定作用的因素是它的"重心"或者说"引力源",因而人们对国家的认识也应从这个"重心"出发。这一命题最初是马克思基于黑格尔"理性国家"的思维逻辑对国家基础的初步探究,其后,经由对黑格尔唯心主义国家观的批判,以及无产阶级革命实践的总结,得到了不断的更新、确证和发展,从而为马克思国家观的最终确立提供了必要的理论前提。     

历史的悖论与民族国家想象——论战国策派的民族国家表达及其意义和局限

战国策派是抗战期间勃兴的一个政治文化派别,本文拟从民族国家想象和民族主义叙述的角度,力图发掘其对中国历史的清理和抗战建国的论述中存在的种种问题及独创处,尽量给其以合乎历史的评价.他们以欧西民族国家的历史返观中国的战国时代,既看到民族国家建国的必要,又注意到民族国家将导致战争不可避免的弊端,这是他们十分深刻的地方.同时他们又提出改造国民性的迫切,但其主要途径是通过回到战国时代从中发掘出"力"的一面,这又与鲁迅等提出国民性的内涵明显不同.他们提出抗战建国,但又带有明显的贵族色彩,而他们从民族国家的角度重构中国历史,也可视为回应现实的一种诉求,等等这些都使得战国策派既富有活力又充满争议.     

关于战后日本"普通国家"论的观念性思考

进入新世纪以后,对于20世纪90年代初在日本出现的"普通国家"论仍有继续予以关注与探讨的必要。"普通国家"这一话语所表述的首先是一种论调、一种思潮、一种对日本国家发展现状不满的观念,然后才是诸如修改战后日本和平宪法等与实际政治活动相结合的实践性政策指向。在这一认识基础上,本文以"普通国家"这一话语之所以会出现的观念背景为思考视角,对这种观念究竟是什么、是怎样的观念致使"普通国家"这一话语得以在战后日本出现、这一话语表述的出现究竟意味着什么等做了逐层剖析。     

试析日本国家创新体系的现状及特点

战后,日本"赶超经济"取得了巨大成功.自20世纪90年代日本健立有效的国家创新体系是新经济飞速发展的一个重要的因素;本文肯定了日本"科学技术立国"国家创新体系,剖析了日本国家创新体系的发展现状,探讨了日本国家创新体系的特点,包括对政府、企业、公共研究部门以及产、学、官相结合等特征进行系统分析.     

日本集团主义的历史嬗变与“日本式经营”

日本集团主义的形成与发展有一个历史过程,它在不同的历史时期表现为不同的历史形态,在近代表现为家族主义国家观,成为巩固近代天皇制的重要工具;在现代表现为皇国主义国家观,被军国主义者所利用发动侵略战争;在战后则表现为"日本式经营",成为推动日本经济高速增长的原动力之一。     

透过"橱窗"看到的福利国家--一个基于瑞典的案例分析

瑞典福利国家制度的显著特征是覆盖面广、设计项目多、保障水平高,注重"公平"胜于注重"效率"。20世纪70年代后,这一制度的实施出现了财政危机,然而更深层次的危机,则是高福利所要求的高税率对人们工作积极性和国际竞争力的打击。因此使之成为改革的重点。瑞典改革案例给予中国重要启示:建设完善的社会保障制度,是实现经济发展与社会进步的必然选择,这既是政府的责任,也是人民的企盼;但制度设计要避免重蹈瑞典福利国家制度"过度"福利供给的覆辙。     

Corrupt thy neighbor? New evidence of corruption contagion from bordering nations

The continuing presence of corruption worldwide has policymakers looking for broader trans-national efforts to combat corruption. We examine the effects of a nation’s physical proximity (via land borders and the number of bordering nations) as well as prevailing corruption on cross-border corruption spillovers. Using data on 147 countries from 2012-2018, results show that while border corruption positively affects corruption in a nation, a longer land border, and more neighbors have a mitigating effect on corruption. Nesting the analysis in the literature on the determinants of cross-national corruption, these new findings imply that a nation’s geographic location might play a larger role in transmissions of corruption than previously recognized. This finding has relevance for the design of anti-corruption coordination across nations.     

以德治国与中华民族精神

以德治国与中华民族精神自古就形成了不可分割的密切关系,古代以德治国思想即重视整体利益、以德为本、自强不息、尚贤、重行、诚信等,构成了中华民族精神的主旨。当代以德治国方略对中华民族精神进行了全面的拓展和提升,以德治国是建设有中国特色社会主义的施政纲领。     

美国军方视阈中的美日同盟关系——基于《美日行政协定》草拟过程的分析

《美日行政协定》是构成战后美日同盟关系及决定走向的重要文本,无论是协定内容中的每一项规定,还是协定草拟过程中的每一个阶段,都反映出美国决策机构关于“美军驻日条件”的认知及美日同盟关系的定位。尽管处于“美军驻日条件”界定主导地位的美国军方,始终将日本看作是一个被征服的国家,没有作为一个对等盟国来看待,体现出战胜国对战败国应享有的绝对优越驻留条件。但是,在日本着力实施亲美的协调主义外交的强大攻势下,迫于来自美国国务院的压力,基于远东冷战局势的变化,从美日“良好政治关系”维护视角考量,美国军方不得不从坚决反对日方关于“美军驻日条件”的修改意见,转而做出让步。迄今,该协定维系着美日同盟关系,但“美军驻日条件”始终使日本处于“非正常国家”地位,制约了日本作为主权国家所应享有的对驻日美军的控制性权利。     

Testing mobilization views of the relationship between international interdependence and political conflict in developing countries

This research examines mobilization conceptions of how international interdependence affects political conflict in developing societies. Two views are investigated. The factoral approach treats conflict as a product of the abundance or scarcity of specific factors of production, while the sectoral approach regards the competitiveness and export performance of a nation’s industries as the key to conflict. A sector’s size and strength also are viewed as important variables. A cross-national design is used to determine how a nation’s levels of manufacturing imports and direct foreign investments interact with factoral and sectoral variables to affect political conflict. The results suggest a consistent positive association between protest and the interaction between labor abundance and interdependence. Capital abundance was unrelated to conflict, and competitiveness, export performance, sectoral size, and sectoral strength all were positively related to protest.     

Public perceptions and preferences concerning Pacific salmon recovery: an Oregon “voluntary and grassroots” perspective

This research examines mobilization conceptions of how international interdependence affects political conflict in developing societies. Two views are investigated. The factoral approach treats conflict as a product of the abundance or scarcity of specific factors of production, while the sectoral approach regards the competitiveness and export performance of a nation’s industries as the key to conflict. A sector’s size and strength are also viewed as important variables. A cross-national design is used to determine how a nation’s levels of manufacturing imports and direct foreign investments interact with factoral and sectoral variables to affect political conflict. The results suggest a consistent positive association between protest and the interaction between labor abundance and interdependence. Capital abundance was unrelated to conflict, and competitiveness, export performance, sectoral size, and sectoral strength all were positively related to protest.     

The State and its Welfare State: How do Welfare State Changes Affect the Make‐up of the Nation State?

With respect to changes in the welfare states of OECD countries, scholars most of the time are looking for common trends; that is, they look for similar movements in different states, such as welfare state retrenchment, recalibration, etc. As we show in this article, data on welfare state spending and financing do not, however, support such stark tendencies like retrenchment. We therefore suggest looking for corridor effects rather than level effects, i.e. analysing changes in the dispersion of welfare state regimes rather than shifts in the mean values. Our analysis suggests that convergence, i.e. decreasing diversity among states in spending, financing and regulation patterns, may have been the most important pattern of welfare state change in the last three decades – a pattern easily overlooked in past and current research. Convergence of welfare state regimes also affects our views on the modern nation state itself since the varieties of welfare capitalism in the twentieth century are themselves an expression of the sovereignty and autonomy of the nation state. If nation states are forced to surrender national particularities, to mellow their characteristic differences and to move incrementally towards a one‐size‐fits‐all common model via ‘shrinking corridors’, such a blurring of welfare regimes, such a beclouding of difference, should also be regarded as a significant change taking place in the centre of the Western nation state's make‐up.     

National Language Capacity in Global Competition

The term national language capacity refers to the sum total of a nation’s ability to grasp linguistic resources, provide language services, deal with linguistic issues, develop the language, and related tasks. Key capacities include the possession of linguistic resources, utilization of language and language services, development and use of linguistic resources, the language of the members of the nation, reserves of linguistic talent, language management, development of language enterprises and linguistic influence. The development of informatization has made national language capacity an important part of national strength. It is hard power as well as soft power, playing a very important role in social progress and cultural inheritance, in promoting economic development and technological innovation, and in protecting a country’s national security and international development.     

中国古代儒家终极价值观的特点

中国古代儒家的终极价值观,是古代中华民族共有精神家园中占主导地位的价值观。它有重视人、重视理性而又不乏超越意义的特征;在认识天人合一的＂道＂这一终极价值本体时,强调天人之间、神圣价值和世俗价值之间的辩证统一;在实现天人合一的终极价值理想的过程中,强调人学习和克己、寡欲等理性的修养活动在事实上最为重要。这些特点对新时期建设中华民族共有精神家园很有借鉴意义。     

政治与社会——基于对《论法的精神》的诠释

本文以对孟德斯鸠思想的社会学诠释为出发点,重返《论法的精神》,借此澄清从现代政治科学到社会学的学科转换。一方面,孟德斯鸠借助对法的重新定义,将政治科学的视野拓宽到政府之下的社会,从而推动了从政治科学到社会学的过渡;另一方面,通过澄清政府的原则与民族的一般精神、风俗和礼仪的关系指出,在孟德斯鸠那里,政治并不是社会的一个子系统或附属领域,而是从政治视角出发来看的整个社会,甚至还超出了社会。借此,我们希望突破当前社会学重视社会,轻视政治的学科思维。     

Constructing Racism in Australia

There is a dearth of empirical evidence on the extent of racist attitudes, broadly defined, in Australia. A telephone survey of 5056 residents in Queensland and NSW examined attitudes to cultural difference, perceptions of the extent of racism, tolerance of specific groups, ideology of nation, perceptions of Anglo‐Celtic cultural privilege, and belief in racialism, racial separatism and racial hierarchy. The research was conducted within a social constructivist understanding of racisms. Racist attitudes are positively associated with age, non‐tertiary education, and to a slightly lesser extent with those who do not speak a language other than English, the Australia‐born, and with males. Anti‐Muslim sentiment is very strong, but there is also a persistence of some intolerance against Asian, Indigenous and Jewish Australians. Those who believe in racial hierarchy and separatism (old racisms) are a minority and are largely the same people who self‐identify as being prejudiced. The ‘new racisms’ of cultural intolerance, denial of Anglo‐privilege and narrow constructions of nation have a much stronger hold. Nonetheless, sociobiologically related understandings of race and nation remain linked to these new racisms. Narrow understandings of what constitutes a nation (and a community) are in tension with equally widely held liberal dispositions towards cultural diversity and dynamism. Encouragingly, most respondents recognise racism as a problem in Australian society and this is a solid basis for anti‐racism initiatives.