Disentangling the Effects of an Adult Model's Eye Gaze and Head Orientation on Young Infants' Processing of a Previously Attended Object

In order to disentangle the effects of an adult model's eye gaze and head orientation on infants' processing of objects attended to by the adult, we presented 4‐month‐olds with faces that either (1) shifted eye gaze toward or away from an object while the head stayed stationary or (2) that turned their head while maintaining gaze directed straight ahead. Infants' responses to the previously attended and unattended objects were measured using eye‐tracking and event‐related potentials. In both conditions, infants responded to objects that were not cued by the adult's head or eye gaze shift with more visual attention and an increased negative central (Nc) component relative to cued objects. This suggests that cued objects had been encoded more effectively, whereas uncued objects required further processing. We conclude that eye gaze and head orientation act independently as cues to direct infants' attention and object processing. Both head orientation and eye gaze, when presented in motion, even override the effects of incongruent stationary information from the other kind of cue.     

Race‐Based Perceptual Asymmetry in Face Processing Is Evident Early in Life

Adults’ processing of own‐race faces differs from that of other‐race faces. The presence of an “other‐race” feature (ORF) has been proposed as a mechanism underlying this specialization. We examined whether this mechanism, which was previously identified in adults and in 9‐month‐olds, is evident at 3.5 months. Caucasian 3.5‐month‐olds looked longer at a pattern containing a single Asian face among seven Caucasian faces than at a pattern containing a single Caucasian face among seven Asian faces. Homogenous and inverted face control conditions indicated that infants’ preference was not driven by the majority of faces in arrays or by low‐level features. Thus, 3.5‐month‐olds found the presence of an other‐race face among own‐race faces to be more salient than the reverse configuration. This asymmetry suggests sensitivity to an ORF at 3.5 months. Thus, a key mechanism of race‐based processing in adults has an early onset, indicating rapid development of specialization early in life.     

The Other‐Race Effect in Infancy: Evidence Using a Morphing Technique

Human adults are more accurate at discriminating faces from their own race than faces from another race. This other‐race effect (ORE) has been characterized as a reflection of face processing specialization arising from differential experience with own‐race faces. We examined whether 3.5‐month‐old infants exhibit ORE using morphed faces on which adults had displayed a crossover ORE (i.e., Caucasians performed better on Caucasian faces and Asians performed better on Asian faces). In this experiment, Caucasian infants who had grown up in a predominantly Caucasian environment discriminated 100% Caucasian faces from 70% Caucasian/30% Asian morphed faces but failed to discriminate between the corresponding 100% Asian and 70% Asian/30% Caucasian faces. Thus, 3.5‐month‐olds exhibited evidence of ORE. These results indicate that at least by 3.5 months of age, infants have attained enough face processing expertise to process familiar‐race faces in a different manner than unfamiliar‐race faces.     

The Microstructure of Infants' Gaze as They View Adult Shifts in Overt Attention

We presented infants (5, 6, 9, and 12 months old) with movies in which a female model turned toward and fixated 1 of 2 toys placed on a table. Infants' gaze was measured using a Tobii 1750 eye tracker. Six‐, 9‐, and 12‐month‐olds' first gaze shift from the model's face (after the model started turning) was directed to the attended toy. The 5‐month‐olds performed at random. Following this initial response, 5‐, 6‐, and 9‐month‐olds performed more gaze shifts to the attended target; 12‐month‐olds performed at random. Infants at all ages displayed longer looking times to the attended toy. We discuss a number of explanations for 5‐month‐olds' ability to follow a shift in overt attention by an adult after an initially random response, including the possibility that infants' initial gaze response strengthens the representation of the objects in the peripheral visual field.     

The Development of Specialized Processing of Own‐Race Faces in Infancy

In this study, we examined developmental changes in infants' processing of own‐ versus other‐race faces. Caucasian American 8‐month‐olds (Experiment 1) and 4‐month‐olds (Experiment 2) were tested in a habituation‐switch procedure designed to assess holistic (attending to the relationship between internal and external features of the face) versus featural (attending to individual features of the face) processing of faces. Eight‐month‐olds demonstrated holistic processing of upright own‐race (Caucasian) faces, but featural processing of upright other‐race (African) faces. Inverted faces were processed featurally, regardless of ethnicity. Four‐month‐olds, however, demonstrated holistic processing of both Caucasian and African upright faces. These results demonstrate that infants' processing of own‐ versus other‐race faces becomes specialized between 4 and 8 months.     

Infants Experience Perceptual Narrowing for Nonprimate Faces

Perceptual narrowing—a phenomenon in which perception is broad from birth, but narrows as a function of experience—has previously been tested with primate faces. In the first 6 months of life, infants can discriminate among individual human and monkey faces. Though the ability to discriminate monkey faces is lost after about 9 months, infants retain human face discrimination, presumably because of their experience with human faces. The current study demonstrates that 4‐ to 6‐month‐old infants are able to discriminate nonprimate faces as well. In a visual paired comparison test, 4‐ to 6‐month‐old infants (n = 26) looked significantly longer at novel sheep (Ovis aries) faces, compared to a familiar sheep face (p = .017), while 9‐ to 11‐month‐olds (n = 26) showed no visual preference, and adults (n = 27) had a familiarity preference (p < .001). Infants’ face recognition systems are broadly tuned at birth—not just for primate faces, but for nonprimate faces as well—allowing infants to become specialists in recognizing the types of faces encountered in their first year of life.     

12‐Month‐Old Infants' Perception of Attention Direction in Static Video Images

Twelve‐month‐old infants' ability to perceive gaze direction in static video images was investigated. The images showed a woman who performed attention‐directing actions by looking or pointing toward 1 of 4 objects positioned in front of her (2 on each side). When the model just pointed at the objects, she looked straight ahead, and when she just looked, her hands were hidden below the tabletop. An eye movement system (TOBII) was used to register the gaze of the participants. We found that the infants clearly discriminated the gaze directions to the objects. There was no tendency to mix up the 2 object positions, located 10° apart, on the same side of the model. The infants spent more time looking at the attended objects than the unattended ones and they shifted gaze more often from the face of the model to the attended object than to the unattended objects. Pointing did not significantly increase the infants' tendency to move gaze to the attended object, irrespective of whether the pointing gesture was accompanied by looking or not. In all conditions the infants spent most of the time looking at the model's face. This tendency was especially noticeable in the pointing‐only condition and the condition where the model just looked straight ahead.     

Speed of Processing and Face Recognition at 7 and 12 Months

This research examined developmental and individual differences in infants' speed of processing faces and the relation of processing speed to the type of information encoded. To gauge processing speed, 7‐ and 12‐month‐olds were repeatedly presented with the same face (frontal view), each time paired with a new one, until they showed a consistent preference for the new one. Subsequent probe trials assessed recognition of targets that either preserved configural integrity (Study 1: 3/4 profile and full profile poses) or disrupted it while preserving featural information (Study 2: rotations of 160° or 200° and fracturings). There were developmental differences in both speed and in infants' appreciation of information about faces. Older infants took about 60% fewer trials to reach criterion and had more mature patterns of attention (i.e., looks of shorter duration and more shifts of gaze). Whereas infants of both ages recognized the familiar face in a 3/4 pose, the 12‐month‐olds also recognized it in profile and when rotated. Twelve‐month‐olds who were fast processors additionally recognized the fractured faces; otherwise, processing speed was unrelated to the type of information extracted. At 7 months then, infants made use of some configural information in processing faces; at 12 months, they made use of even more of the configural information, along with part‐based or featural information.     

Long‐Term Memory for an Emotional Interpersonal Interaction Occurring at 5 Months of Age

We examined infants' long‐term retention of a single unique emotional experience into early childhood. Twenty‐month‐olds who had participated in a still‐face procedure at 5 months (experience group) fixated the face of the person who had instigated the still face significantly less than the faces of 2 other novel persons. Control 20‐month‐olds (no‐experience group) looked longer overall and fixated the target person equally or more than the 2 novel persons. In short, children who interacted with a stranger in the laboratory under both natural and anomalous social conditions just once when they were infants apparently retained a specific memory of that person and the experience into toddlerhood.     

Neural Correlates of Human and Monkey Face Processing in 9‐Month‐Old Infants

Behavioral and electrophysiological evidence suggests a gradual, experience‐dependent specialization of cortical face processing systems that takes place largely in the 1st year of life. To further investigate these findings, event‐related potentials (ERPs) were collected from typically developing 9‐month‐old infants presented with pictures of familiar and unfamiliar monkey or human faces in 2 different orientations. Analyses revealed differential processing across changes in monkey and human faces. The N290 was greater for familiar compared to unfamiliar faces, regardless of species or orientation. In contrast, the P400 to unfamiliar faces was greater than to familiar faces, but only for the monkey condition. The P400 to human faces differentiated the orientation of both familiar and unfamiliar faces. These results suggest more specific processing of human compared to monkey faces in 9‐month‐olds.     

Integrated Emotion Processing in Infancy: Matching of Faces and Bodies

Accurate assessment of emotion requires the coordination of information from different sources such as faces, bodies, and voices. Adults readily integrate facial and bodily emotions. However, not much is known about the developmental origin of this capacity. Using a familiarization paired‐comparison procedure, 6.5‐month‐olds in the current experiments were familiarized to happy, angry, or sad emotions in faces or bodies and tested with the opposite image type portraying the familiar emotion paired with a novel emotion. Infants looked longer at the familiar emotion across faces and bodies (except when familiarized to angry images and tested on the happy/angry contrast). This matching occurred not only for emotions from different affective categories (happy, angry) but also within the negative affective category (angry, sad). Thus, 6.5‐month‐olds, like adults, integrate emotions from bodies and faces in a fairly sophisticated manner, suggesting rapid development of emotion processing early in life.     

Infants Discriminate the Affective Expressions of their Peers: The Roles of Age and Familiarization Time

Research examining infants’ discrimination of affect often uses unfamiliar faces and voices of adults. Recently, research has examined infant discrimination of affect in familiar faces and voices. In much of this research, infants were habituated to the affective expressions using a “standard” 50% habituation criterion. We extend this line of research by examining infants’ discrimination of unfamiliar peers’, that is, 4‐month‐olds, dynamic, facial, and vocal affective expressions and assessing how discrimination is affected by changing the habituation criterion. In two experiments, using an infant‐controlled habituation design, we explored 3‐ and 5‐month‐olds’ discrimination of their peers’ dynamic audiovisual displays of positive and negative expressions of affect. Results of Experiment 1, using a 50% habituation criterion, revealed that 5‐month‐olds, but not 3‐month‐olds discriminated the affective expressions of their peers. In Experiment 2, we examined whether 3‐month‐olds’ lack of discrimination in Experiment 1 was a result of insufficient habituation (i.e., familiarization). Specifically, 3‐month‐olds were habituated using a 70% habituation criterion, providing them with longer familiarization time. Results revealed that using the more stringent habituation criterion, 3‐month‐olds showed longer habituation times, that is increased familiarization, and discriminated their peers’ affective expressions. Results are discussed in terms of infants’ discrimination of affect, the role of familiarization time, and limitations of the 50% habituation criterion.     

Greater Pupil Size in Response to Emotional Faces as an Early Marker of Social‐Communicative Difficulties in Infants at High Risk for Autism

When scanning faces, individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) have shown reduced visual attention (e.g., less time on eyes) and atypical autonomic responses (e.g., heightened arousal). To understand how these differences might explain subclinical variability in social functioning, 9‐month‐olds, with or without a family history of ASD, viewed emotionally expressive faces, and gaze and pupil diameter (a measure of autonomic activation) were recorded using eye‐tracking. Infants at high risk for ASD with no subsequent clinical diagnosis (HRA‐) and low‐risk controls (LRC) showed similar face scanning and attention to eyes and mouth; attention was overall greater to eyes than mouth, but this varied as a function of the emotion presented. As a group, HRA‐ showed significantly larger pupil size than LRC. Correlations between scanning at 9 months, pupil size at 9 months, and 18‐month social‐communicative behavior, revealed positive associations between pupil size and attention to both face and eyes at 9 months in LRC, and a negative association between 9‐month pupil size and 18‐month social‐communicative behavior in HRA‐.The present findings point to heightened autonomic arousal in HRA‐. Further, with greater arousal relating to worse social‐communicative functioning at 18 months, this work points to a mechanism by which unaffected siblings might develop atypical social behavior.     

Infants’ Speed Discrimination: Effects of Different Ratios and Spatial Orientations

This study addressed the question whether 6‐month‐olds’ speed discrimination is ratio dependent and whether an oblique effect (i.e., more accurate discrimination of cardinally as opposed to obliquely oriented objects) affects their speed discrimination skills. Infants were habituated to visual displays showing a ball moving with constant speed and tested with the familiar and a novel speed in the test phase. This ball moved either on a cardinally or obliquely oriented trajectory. Irrespective of orientation, infants looked longer at the novel speed when speeds differed by a ratio of 1:2, whereas they looked indiscriminable at the novel and familiar speeds when they differed by a ratio of 2:3. Our results show remarkable parallels to infants’ ratio‐dependent discrimination behavior in other domains (time, distance, and number), implying that different magnitudes may be processed by the same underlying mechanism. However, our findings also indicate that speed discrimination was not influenced by spatial orientation in a similar way as has been found for other visual perceptual processes.     

Looking Behavior and Smiling in Down Syndrome Infants

We studied the relation between direction of gaze and smiling in 15 typically developing infants and 15 infants with Down syndrome. All of them were videotaped during face-to-face interaction with their mothers at home, and while having access to their familiar toys. Results showed that mothers in the two groups behaved in a similar way; that Down syndrome infants looked at their mother's face for longer than typically developing children; and that the relationship between looking and smiling was similar in the two cases and reflected as an increase in the time the infant looked at its mother's face and a decrease in the time the infant looked at toys. It was deduced that Down syndrome infants are capable of distinguishing the differential significance of faces and toys, so that, in the same way as typically developing infants, they direct their affective behavior fundamentally towards the social element, which leads us to consider the affiliative function implied by this expression.     

Infants' Looking at Possible and Impossible Screen Rotations: The Role of Familiarization

The effects of familiarization and age were examined using Baillargeon's rotating screen paradigm. In Condition A, 4‐month‐olds exposed to 7 180° familiarization trials looked significantly longer at the 180° test events than the 112° test events; there was a familiarity preference. In Condition B, which consisted of 12 instead of 7 180° familiarization trials, the 4‐month‐olds looked significantly longer at the 112° test events than the 180° test events; there was a novelty preference. In Condition C, which was similar to Condition A except that there were 112° familiarization trials, the infants showed a familiarity preference. Thus, 4‐month‐olds experiencing 7 familiarization trials exhibited a familiarity preference, and those experiencing 12 familiarization trials showed a novelty preference. In Condition D, 6‐month‐olds experienced 7 180° familiarization trials; there was no preferential looking to either familiar (180°) test events or novel (112°) test events. Therefore, looking behavior during the test trials was a function of the type of familiarization experience and age and not necessarily an inferred violation of physics.     

Emergence of a consonant bias during the first year of life: New evidence from own‐name recognition

Recent evidence suggests that during the first year of life, a preference for consonant information during lexical processing (consonant bias) emerges, at least for some languages like French. Our study investigated the factors involved in this emergence as well as the developmental consequences for variation in consonant bias emergence. In a series of experiments, we measured 5‐, 8‐, and 11‐month‐old French‐learning infants orientation times to a consonant or vowel mispronunciation of their own name, which is one of the few word forms familiar to infants at this young age. Both 5‐ and 8‐month‐olds oriented longer to vowel mispronunciations, but 11‐month‐olds showed a different pattern, initially orienting longer to consonant mispronunciations. We interpret these results as further evidence of an initial vowel bias, with consonant bias emergence by 11 months. Neither acoustic‐phonetic nor lexical factors predicted preferences in 8‐ and 11‐month‐olds. Finally, counter to our predictions, a vowel bias at the time of test for 11‐month‐olds was related to later productive vocabulary outcomes.     

The Other‐Race Effect in a Longitudinal Sample of 3‐, 6‐ and 9‐Month‐Old Infants: Evidence of a Training Effect

We investigated the development of the other‐race effect “ORE” in a longitudinal sample of 3‐, 6‐, and 9‐month‐old Caucasian infants. Previous research using cross‐sectional samples has shown an unstable ORE at 3 months, an increase at 6 months and full development at 9 months. In Experiment 1, we tested whether 9‐month‐olds showed the ORE with Caucasian and African faces. As expected, the 9‐month‐olds discriminated faces within their own ethnicity (Caucasian) but not within the unfamiliar ethnicity (African). In months. In Experiment 2, we longitudinally tested infants at 3, 6, and 9 months by presenting either the Caucasian or the African faces used in Experiment 1. In contrast to previous cross‐sectional studies and Experiment 1, we found that infants discriminated between all stimuli. Hence, we did not find the ORE in this longitudinal study even at 9 months. We assume that the infants in our longitudinal study showed no ORE because of previous repetitive exposure to African faces at 3 and 6 months. We argue that only a few presentations of faces from other ethnic categories sufficiently slow the development of the ORE.     

Differences in How 12‐ and 24‐Month‐Olds Interpret the Gaze of Adults

This study examined the hypothesis that toddlers interpret an adult's head turn as evidence that the adult was looking at something, whereas younger infants interpret gaze based on an expectancy that an interesting object will be present on the side to which the adult has turned. Infants of 12 months and toddlers of 24 months were first shown that an adult head turn to the side predicted the activation of a remote‐controlled toy on that side of the room. After this connection had been demonstrated, participants were assigned to 2 conditions. In the head turn condition the toys were removed but the adult continued to produce head turns to the side. In the toy condition the adult stopped turning but the toys continued to be activated when the participant turned toward them. Results showed that, compared to 12‐month‐olds, 24‐month‐olds were more likely to continue to turn to the side when the adult continued to turn even though there was no longer anything of interest to see. In contrast, compared to 24‐month‐olds, 12‐month‐olds were, if anything, more likely to continue to turn to the side in the condition in which the adult stopped turning. The latter result was replicated in a condition in which the activation of the toy was not contingent on the child's own head turn. These results imply that the meaning of gaze following may change significantly over the 2nd year of life. For 12‐month‐olds, gaze is a useful predictor of where interesting sights may occur. In contrast, for 24‐month‐olds, gaze may be a signal that the adult is looking at something.     

Bimodal Dynamics of Faces and Voices Influence Older Infants' Perception of Emotion

Given the importance of infants' perception of bimodal speech for emerging language and emotion development, this study used eye‐tracking technology to examine infants' attention to face+voice displays differing by emotion (fear, sad, happy) and visual stimulus (dynamic versus static). Peripheral distracters were presented to measure attention disengagement. It was predicted that infants would look longer at and disengage more slowly from dynamic bimodal emotion displays, especially when viewing dynamic fear. However, the results from twenty‐two 10‐month‐olds found significantly greater attention on dynamic versus static trials, independent of emotion. Interestingly, infants looked equally to mouth and eye regions of speakers' faces except when viewing/hearing dynamic fear; in this case, they fixated more on the speakers' mouth region. Average latencies to distracters were longer on dynamic compared to static bimodal stimuli, but not differentiated by emotion. Thus, infants' attention was enhanced (in terms of both elicitation and maintenance) by dynamic, bimodal emotion displays. Results are compared to conflicting findings using static emotion displays, with suggestions for future research using more ecologically relevant dynamic, multimodal displays to gain a richer understanding of infants' processing of emotion.