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1.
This article examines the conflicts between married slaves and their masters in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Lima. An investigation of ecclesiastical court cases shows the role that slave marriage played in limiting masters’ authority by preventing sales and forced migration of married slaves. By citing the Church's insistence on marital cohabitation, slaves had success impeding their masters’ agendas. The sacrament of marriage, however, did not guarantee absolute slave autonomy. Instead, masters could also use the courts, as well as their finances, to subvert the Church's protection of slave marriage. In the end, this article demonstrates how the ecclesiastical tribunal served as a place for meaningful redress for slaves, while still providing masters with ways to maintain control over the enslaved population.  相似文献   

2.
Frederick Law Olmsted’s account of his journeys through the southern states, undertaken from 1852 to 1857 reveals that Olmsted, in whom a sense of place was especially strong, characterised enslaved people’s relative freedom by place, delineating the plantation (even its slave quarters) as the areas of strictest control while liminal spaces at the edge of plantations, as well as roads, rivers, towns, markets and cities represented places of autonomy. These sites became places of resistance, with Olmsted contrasting his depictions of supposedly docile, naive, slow-witted slaves on the plantation, with those more articulate, confident and able whom he met on the margins. In revealing the potential of African-Americans to live as free people in the U.S.A., Olmsted reinforced the normalisation of the plantation for slave experience. This chapter will explore examples such as the landscape strategies of southern maroons and Olmsted’s slaves’ autonomy by road, river and sea.  相似文献   

3.
Research on partying and nightlife often emphasizes commercial control while overlooking participants’ creativity and agency. Due to their age, appearance and transgressive partying, participants in the Norwegian high school graduation celebration have limited access to bars and pubs in the ordinary night‐time economy. To create alternative party spaces under their own control they utilize the spatial opportunities offered by automobility. Groups of students get together many years in advance and buy old buses which they refurbish to become rolling nightclubs that enable them to ‘transcend space’ through partying while on the move. These mobile party spaces provide a material and symbolic centre of communion and a tight space for physical assembly that enhances the production of intense positive emotions. In a cat‐and‐mouse game with the police, the buses provide a sense of nomadic autonomy, and enable participants to drink heavily for days on end. The study examines how youth may creatively zone their own party spaces within the context of automobility and how these mobile spaces again shape the partying that goes on within them. While this party practice opens up for autonomy, creativity and social transgressions reminiscent of liminal phases or carnivals, at a deeper level participants clearly reproduce class‐based differences and exaggerate conventional practices and symbols.  相似文献   

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This study evaluated a community-based intervention program designed to promote positive youth development and to create positive interactions between police and youth in a non-enforcement environment. A pre–post-design was used to compare the results of the program for participating youth and police officers, particularly changes in each group’s attitudes toward the other. The results showed that participation in the program improved police officers’ and youths’ attitudes toward each other. For youth, the rate of change in attitudes was greatest for minority youth and for youth who had prior negative experience with the police. That is, youth who had negative prior experiences with police and began with negative attitudes toward police developed more positive attitudes toward police as a result of participating in the program. Furthermore, having opportunities for positive interactions between police and youth played an important role in decreasing negative perceptions of police for ethnic minority youth. This study suggests that community-based programs that involve police with youth can improve participants’ attitude toward each other, which might impact future interactions.  相似文献   

6.
Although there has been a significant shift toward decentralized forms of social movement organizations (SMOs), the federated form is still quite active and deserves further study. In particular, the role of the local chapter in relation to its national office can be explored from new angles for additional insights into federated SMOs. I address the specific issue of isolation that is problematic for some chapters of federated SMOs. I consider these chapters to be “outposts”; isolated from national headquarters geographically, socially, culturally, politically or due to communication barriers. This outpost status creates specific difficulties over control, autonomy, coordination, and resources. “SMO Outposts” are often not able or willing to carry out national goals, strategy or tactics in the prescribed manner expected from headquarters. However, SMO Outposts may also experience unexpected opportunities. My typology of SMO Outposts clarifies their characteristics and presents the challenges and opportunities they encounter under various modes of isolation. This provides for a fuller assessment of the success, organizing capability and adaptation of federated SMOs.  相似文献   

7.
Uncomfortable with the potential influence of the Haitian Revolution on their slave populations and unwilling to deal on equal terms with non-white ambassadors or heads of state, the European colonial powers and the USA refused to formally recognize Haitian governments following the country's declaration of independence in 1804. For some British slave owners and US merchants, this policy of diplomatic non-recognition came at a cost. When slaves from surrounding British colonies escaped to Haiti, and when American merchants demanded restitution for ships and cargos seized by Haitian rulers, early Haitian regimes were free to rebuff and ignore the claims of unrecognized governments. Uneasy relations between British and US governments and the early Haitian Republic offer evidence of both the relative strength and autonomy of President Jean-Pierre Boyer's régime and the nature of the emancipationist policies that made Republican Haiti an attractive destination for hundreds of fugitive slaves from surrounding islands.  相似文献   

8.
My article traces the changing attitudes toward slave conversion in seventeenth-century Barbados – from hesitant discomfort in the mid-seventeenth century, to virulent rejection in 1680 – and argues that the attempted rebellion of 1675, which was widely blamed on Quaker proselytising efforts, played a pivotal role in the development of an antagonistic attitude toward missionaries in Barbados. The 1675 attempted rebellion, I suggest, linked slave conversion with slave rebellion in a new and decisive way that had repercussions throughout the British West Indies.  相似文献   

9.
In this paper is examined autonomy in the aged and its relationship to competence. These concepts are discussed relative to the environment, and available research findings in the area are summarized. The creation of a continuum of competence in living environments is proposed and suggstions are given for ensuring that environments offer opportunities for the development and maintenance of autonomy and competence in the aged.  相似文献   

10.
A person is killed by police every 20 hours in the United States. Office-involved killings have increased about 25% in the past 20 years despite violent crime decreasing. Even more troubling, Blacks are 3.5 times more likely than Whites to be killed by police even when they are not attacking or when they do not have a weapon. Civilian payouts for police misconduct cost local jurisdictions millions of dollars when taxpayer money could be spent in ways that help to close the achievement gap and create jobs. Policy solutions to close this racial gap and improve police-civilian relations have centered mostly on the implementation of body-worn cameras and implicit bias trainings. Although beneficial, I argue these policy solutions fall short because they do not address the lack of accountability that police departments have to the communities they serve. In this article, I recommend a restructuring of civilian payouts for police misconduct from taxpayer money to police department insurances. This restructuring will improve police-civilian relations as well as reduce justifiable homicides and officer-involved shootings by increasing the accountability that police departments have to the communities they serve.  相似文献   

11.
Prior research highlights the mismatch between adolescents' growing capacities for autonomy and the limited opportunities for influence in U.S. secondary schools. Youth‐led participatory research (YPAR), an approach in which young people research and advocate for change on problems of concern to them, could increase students' autonomy in secondary schools. This qualitative study of YPAR examined whether and how the intervention meaningfully affected the interactions and roles of students and adults in two distinctive urban high school settings, identifying concepts for further empirical investigation. Results suggested that YPAR enabled processes of student professionalization that led to novel student‐adult “collegial” interactions, expansion of domains of student influence, and diversification of students with opportunities to influence policies and practices across these two schools.  相似文献   

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Historians of urban slavery, free black people and the Atlantic maritime world have demonstrated that the urban milieu, maritime commerce and proximity to the sea provided free and enslaved African Americans in seaport cities with opportunities that challenged the premises and practices of bondage. Yet the relatively young and small seaport of Galveston, Texas, has received little attention from scholars. Growing in the two decades before the American Civil War from a rough village to one of the most important cotton ports on the Gulf of Mexico, Galveston maintained strict slave codes modelled on those adopted by other Southern states in response to slave rebellions and the rise of militant abolitionism in the 1830s. Nevertheless, black Galvestonians, like black seaport residents elsewhere, found greater possibilities for resisting or fleeing slavery than were available to African Americans in the interior.  相似文献   

14.
Social status is a multidimensional concept in which individual autonomy and societal esteem may exert contrary pulls. We apply this distinction between autonomy and esteem to studies of Egyptian women who have taken up the veil. Wearing the veil is seen as a coping strategy women use to gain or maintain societal esteemand a small measure of autonomy in a patriarchal society in which opportunities for autonomy are increasingly limited. As conservative movements gain strength in a range of social settings, this theoretical distinction and case analysis assume broader sociological significance.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Eastern Sociological Society meetings, Boston, March 1990.  相似文献   

15.
Rio de Janeiro's drug dealer–dominated favelas are territories where the state lacks the monopoly of violence. They have historically been sites of sporadic and violent police operations. Rio's favela “pacification” program aimed to consolidate state control via the establishment of a Pacification Police Unit (UPP). This proximity policing program initially experienced mixed results in different “pacified” favelas. I take advantage of this state intervention at the urban margins to ask, what explains the positive reception of this policing initiative in some communities but not others? I concentrate my fieldwork in two communities sharing a UPP that represented extreme cases of success in terms of the program's reception by residents. I find that the coordinating brokerage of respected local organizations helps acculturate police to the community and minimize offensive police behavior, thereby “pacifying the Pacification Police.” Residents are receptive to these resocialized police who comply with local norms of respect. This police‐reforming brokerage is possible due to the high level of closure in the local network and due to a vibrant local community with a strong history of organizing. My findings emphasize the importance of considering the role of local civil society in police reform at the urban margins.  相似文献   

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Self-control and autonomy are not guaranteed when people age and are in need of help from others, especially in institution-based housing. This occurs despite the fact that it is a generally accepted belief that care should be delivered with the greatest possible degree of independence and autonomy. This article discusses older people's experiences with and the opportunities for autonomy in institution-based housing. Through focus group interviews and observations, the daily lives of residents at two nursing homes in Sweden were studied through a comparative approach using the theoretical framework of organizational culture. Three themes emerged showing how autonomy was not a reality for the residents. The first theme revealed an ambivalent mission, indicating ambiguity as to whether the nursing home was a place to live in or a place in which to be cared for. The second theme was symbolic power, which encompassed the staff's power embedded in the organization. The third theme was the ageist approach to care, which was noted in the way staff considered the residents to be old people who were unable and unwilling to strive for autonomy. The three themes were embedded in the organizational culture and were created and recreated in the interaction between residents and staff. A key question for further research is how to change the culture to strengthen the residents’ autonomy.  相似文献   

18.
Developing a capacity for exercising agency is an important developmental task of adolescence. Many organized youth programs provide adolescents opportunities to build their capacity to exercise agency. The researchers tested hypotheses that adult youth program leader's directive assistance and autonomy support would promote adolescents’ capacity for agency. They surveyed 441 high school adolescents and 11 adult advisors from 10 Future Farmers of America chapters twice over 2 years. Adolescents self‐reported on their capacity for agency and advisors reported on each adolescent's capacity. Directive assistance and autonomy support correlated with the capacity for agency within both time points. Only autonomy support predicted adolescents’ capacity for agency over time. Implications of leader's support for adolescents’ capacity for exercising agency are discussed.  相似文献   

19.
Prior work on youth–police relations examines young people's general perceptions of the police, their differential treatment by police officers, and officers' discretion in dealing with youth. Yet researchers have largely neglected the question of how young people attempt to shape these encounters. I address this critical gap, while also incorporating the experiences of “on track” youth and young women—two groups that are not exempt from police contact but traditionally ignored in the youth–police literature. Drawing on semistructured group and individual interviews with 19 black young people in New York City, I investigate the strategies they employ or subscribe to in navigating police contact. Three types of strategies emerged from my analysis: avoidance, management, and symbolic resistance. Avoidance strategies are marked by young people's attempts to preemptively steer clear of officers on the street. Management strategies are employed by young people during police encounters to limit risk or harm, while symbolic resistance is a subtle tactic used by some youth to preserve their dignity in these interactions. This study also considers the gender differences in respondents' approaches and offers new insights into how they assess their police interactions in an era of highly publicized incidents of police brutality.  相似文献   

20.
Many jurisdictions in the U.S. have implemented mandatory arrest policies in an attempt to limit police officers’ discretion in their arrest decisions when responding to intimate partner violence calls. Drawing from semi-structured interviews with female victims of intimate partner violence, I explore the ways in which mandatory arrest policies have influenced the identity work of women during their interactions with police officers. I focus specifically on women’s “unsuccessful” identity claims: situations where women are unable to convince police officers that they are victims and situations where women are unable to convince officers that they are not victims. I examine the strategies that women use during their identity work and explore the consequences of women’s failed self presentations under mandatory arrest policies, the most significant of which is a woman’s arrest. I argue that under mandatory arrest policies, for many women, the risk of failed identity work is even more consequential than before these policies were established.  相似文献   

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