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1.
We use data on 68,000 single-union and 3,600 multi-union elections during the years 1977–1994 to investigate factors influencing
outcomes of multi-union elections. We find that, even though the win rate is much higher in multi-union as opposed to singleunion
elections, the factors influencing the outcomes are surprisingly similar. 相似文献
2.
This paper presents a profile of the change in the scope of union organizing and provides empirical support for the numerous
observations about the declining importance of jurisdictions in the selection of organizing targets. The scope of organizing
is measured in terms of the distributions of the NLRB certification elections of 18 selected unions for 1973–1975 and 1983–1985.
Diversity and concentration in organizing and its impact on election outcome are examined.
The authors thank Azia Merchant for his assistance. 相似文献
3.
There have been relatively few studies on why workers choose to decertify a union as their bargaining unit and virtually no
empirical studies on the outcomes of employer-initiated representation elections. Using data from the NLRB monthly election
reports (1977–1981), we attempt to analyze the factors that seem to influence the outcomes of employer-initiated representation
elections with an incumbent union. Variables in our analysis include size of the election unit, region, industrial classification,
type of incumbent union, and the state of the local economy. While the data show a concentration of elections on the West
Coast, there is no significant difference in the ability of unions there to “win” decertification elections. 相似文献
4.
Dennis A. Ahlburg 《Journal of Labor Research》1984,5(3):229-236
This paper simulates how the union success rate in representation elections would be affected if the NLRB reverted from its
current simple-majority voting rule to its original majority-in-unit voting rule. Such a rule change would have altered 21
percent of decertification and 16 percent of certification victories over the period 1977–81, resulting in the loss of 180,400
actual or potential bargaining unit members for the union movement. Abstentions play an important role in election outcomes.
Under the present voting rule unions have no clear advantage to “get out the vote” in decertification elections, but a clear
disadvantage in certification elections. Under a majority-in-unit rule unions hold an advantage when they “get out the vote”
in all representation elections.
I would like to thank Mike Bognanno, Jim Dworkin, Paul Schumann, two reviewers, and the editor for helpful comments and David
Wilson for excellent research assistance. I would also like to thank the NLRB for providing the election data tape. 相似文献
5.
This paper examines the importance of management suppression tactics on union activity in the United States. NLRB data on
individual certification elections which have recently become available for the period 1972–1976 are merged with structural,
demographic, and industry characteristics of the 96 largest SMSAs to ascertain the role of strategy versus structure in explaining
union outcomes. The measures of election-generated membership outcomes are voter participation, the margin of pro-union votes,
and union wins. Union suppression practices under study include consent elections, election delays, formal objections after
unions win a certification election, elections overruled because of management unfair labor practices, elections held by management
petition, and the number of unfair labor practice charges per representation election. Five of the six measures of suppression
are significant determinants of some facet of union expansion after adjusting for structural characteristics of the area work
force. 相似文献
6.
We reexamine the effect of import competition on union wages using the NBER Industry Data for Imports and Exports by SIC category
1987– 1994 (Feenstra, 1996). We find that the effect of import share on union wage levels and wage growth is zero by the end
of the twelve-year period covering 1983– 1994. These results suggest that although import competition initially reduced union
wages in the late 1970s and early 1980s, by 1987 union wages were largely unaffected by import competition. Apparently, the diminished import effect results from increased
union strength over the period, particularly in highly organized industries.
The authors appreciate the comments of Barry T. Hirsch and Wm. S. Mounts. David Macpherson aided in the development of our
CPS data sets. 相似文献
7.
Depression is the most commonly diagnosed mental illness in the United States with relapse rates as high as 80–90% in some
circumstances (Chen et al. in Res Soc Work Pract 16(5): 500–510, 2006; Mintz et al. in Arch Gen Psychiatry 49: 761–768, 1992; Teasdale et al. in J Consult Clin Psychol 68(4): 615–623, 2000). Cognitive therapy (CT) and psychopharmacology have been the mainstays of treatment for depression and relapse prevention,
yet relapse remains a significant risk of this mental illness (DeRubeis et al. in Arch Gen Psychiatry 62: 409–416, 2005; Meyer and Scott in Behav Cogn Psychother 36: 685–693 2008; Rush et al. in Cognit Ther Res 1: 17–37, 1977). The literature review, case illustration and analysis examines the rationale for integrating mindfulness practice, and
demonstrates the application of this practice in conjunction with cognitive therapy to reduce the risk of relapse in Major
Depression. 相似文献
8.
Ben S. Shippen 《Journal of Labor Research》1999,20(1):161-169
Several recent studies have used first-differenced models to test the unmeasured-skills hypothesis with mixed results. I use
matched-panel data from the CPSfrom 1983–1995 and retrospective data from the DWS from 1984–1992 to test for the possible
effect of unmeasured skill on apparel workers’wages. The apparel industry provides a better test of the unmeasured-skills
hypothesis than the overall economy because the likelihood of noncompetitive distortions to the wage is small. My results
indicate that between 64 and 80 percent of the apparel industry differential is caused by skills unmeasured in standard OLS
regressions, suggesting competitive wages for workers moving between apparels and other industries.
The author appreciates the helpful suggestions from Barry Hirsch and William Stewart Mounts, Jr. The CPS and DWS data sets
used in this paper were provided by Barry Hirsch and David Macpherson. 相似文献
9.
Javed Ashraf 《Journal of Labor Research》1997,18(3):439-450
No study has recently examined how unions affect professors’ salaries. In the only studies using micro-level data, both Ashraf
(1992) and Barbezat (1989) used data from 1977. I update earlier work by using data from 1988. In conjunction with data from
1969 and 1977, the effect of faculty unions over a twenty-year period is examined. While faculty at unionized colleges earned
significantly less than their counterparts at nonunion institutions in 1969, they earned marginally more in 1977 and 1988.
The author is currently on leave from the University of West Florida and is serving as Professor and Vice-President of the
Textile University of Pakistan. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Southern Economic Association meetings
in New Orleans, November 21–23, 1993. The author thanks some of the participants for very useful suggestions. 相似文献
10.
Michael Peress 《Social Choice and Welfare》2010,34(2):265-294
The theoretical literature on two candidate elections is dominated by symmetric contests and vote-maximizing candidates. These
models fail to capture two important features of real elections. First, most elections pit a stronger candidate against a
weaker one. Second, candidates care not only about holding office, but also about policy outcomes. Ignoring any one of these
features means we will fail to capture an important dynamic—strong candidates must balance their desire to change policy with
their need to win the election. We provide conditions for the existence of an equilibrium in the spatial model with non-policy
factors, when candidates are policy motivated. We provide a characterization of ‘regular’ equilibria and show that there exists
at most one regular equilibrium. We provide conditions that guarantee that all equilibria are regular. We derive comparative
statics for the model and show that increasing a candidate’s non-policy advantage causes that candidate to move towards his
ideal point. 相似文献
11.
Political broadcasting through the electronic media has largelydisplaced two older methods of influencing voters—canvassingand advertising in the press—as the dominant party campaignactivity during elections. This article utilizes survey datacollected during the 1979 and 1983 British general electionsto estimate the reported effects of these three types of campaignactivity on electoral outcomes. The results show that few votersreport being influenced by canvassing and advertising, and thenet effect on the vote is either small or nonexistent. By contrast,around 1 in 6 report being influenced by a party political broadcast,and those most influenced are eventual Liberal-Alliance voters.The net electoral effect of political broadcasting can rangeas high as 3.4 percent, but gains for the Conservatives andLabour are offset by the political broadcasting of competitors.The main exceptions are the Liberals in 1979 and the Alliancein 1983, who made a net gain of 1.5 percent and 3.3 percentof the vote, respectively. 相似文献
12.
Different scoring rules can result in the selection of any of the k competing candidates, given the same preference profile, (Saari DG 2001, Chaotic elections! A mathematician looks at voting. American Mathematical Society, Providence, R.I.). It is also possible that a candidate, and even a Condorcet winning candidate, cannot be selected by any scoring rule, (Saari DG 2000 Econ Theory 15:55–101). These findings are balanced by Saari’s result (Saari DG 1992 Soc Choice Welf 9(4):277–306) that specifies the necessary and sufficient condition for the selection of the same candidate by all scoring rules. This condition is, however, indirect. We provide a sufficient condition that is stated directly in terms of the preference profile; therefore, its testability does not require the verdict of any voting rule. 相似文献
13.
The aim of the present study is to show the potential of behavioural microsimulation models as powerful tools for the ex ante
evaluation of public policies. We analyse the impact of recent Spanish income tax reforms upon efficiency and household and
social welfare and study the effects of various (basic-income and vital-minimum) flat tax schemes. The analysis is performed
using a microsimulation model in which labour supply is explicitly taken into account. Instead of following the traditional
continuous approach (Hausman, Labour supply, Aaron and Pechman (eds.), How Taxes Affect Economic Behaviour, The Brooking Institution, Washington, DC, 1981; Econometrica, 53: 1255–1282, 1985; Taxes and labour supply, Auerbach and Feldstein, (eds.), Handbook of Public Economics, North-Holland, Amsterdam, vol. 1, 1979), we estimate the direct utility function employing the methodology proposed by Aaberge
et al. (Scand. J. Econ., 97: 635–659, 1995) and Van Soest (J. Hum. Resour., 30: 63–88, 1995). We maintain population heterogeneity by applying a social welfare analysis to the complete sample, rather
than merely focusing on the active population. The source of our data is a sample of Spanish individuals in the 1995 wave
of the EC Household Panel. We find that the redistribution policies considered have only had a minor impact on economic efficiency
but, by contrast, have significantly affected social welfare.
An erratum to this article can be found at 相似文献
14.
C. Timothy Koeller 《Journal of Labor Research》1992,13(2):173-187
A model is estimated that simultaneously determines the extent of alleged employer unfair labor practices and the outcomes
of union organizing activity using biennial, state-level data for 1968–1982. The results suggest that employers are unlikely
to use ULPs as a union-avoidance strategy when unions are expected to win representation elections and that the extent of
employer ULPs depends on legislative, industrial relations, and workplace characteristics within a state. ULPs also increase
the likelihood that workers will choose union representation.
I am indebted to John W. Ballantine, Frederick W. Cleveland, Gil Rutman, and Leo Troy for their comments on earlier versions
of this paper. The usual disclaimer applies. 相似文献
15.
Reports of Wins and Risk Taking: An Investigation of the Mediating Effect of the Illusion of Control
Frédéric Martinez Valérie Le Floch Bernard Gaffié Gaëlle Villejoubert 《Journal of gambling studies / co-sponsored by the National Council on Problem Gambling and Institute for the Study of Gambling and Commercial Gaming》2011,27(2):271-285
Two experiments examined the relationships between the knowledge that another person has won in a gamble, the illusion of
control and risk taking. Participants played a computer-simulated French roulette game individually. Before playing, some
participants learnt that another person won a large amount of money. Results from a first experiment (n = 24) validated a causal model where the knowledge of another person’s win increased the illusion of control, measured with
betting times, expectancy and self-reports on scales, which in turn encourages risk taking. In the second experiment (n = 36), some participants were told the previous player acknowledged the win to be fortuitous. The suppression of the belief
that the previous winner had himself exerted control over the outcome resulted in lower rates of risk-taking behaviors. This
suggests that it was not the knowledge of another person’s win in itself that increased risk taking, but rather, the belief
that the other person had some control over the gamble’s outcome. Theoretical implications for the study of social mechanisms
involved in gambling behavior are discussed. 相似文献
16.
The paradox of multiple elections 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Assume that voters must choose between voting yes (Y) and voting no (N) on three propositions on a referendum. If the winning
combination is NYY on the first, second, and third propositions, respectively, the paradox of multiple elections is that NYY can receive the fewest votes of the 23 = 8 combinations. Several variants of this paradox are illustrated, and necessary and sufficient conditions for its occurrence,
related to the “incoherence” of support, are given.
The paradox is shown, via an isomorphism, to be a generalization of the well-known paradox of voting. One real-life example
of the paradox involving voting on propositions in California, in which not a single voter voted on the winning side of all
the propositions, is given. Several empirical examples of variants of the paradox that manifested themselves in federal elections
– one of which led to divided government – and legislative votes in the US House of Representatives, are also analyzed. Possible
normative implications of the paradox, such as allowing voters to vote directly for combinations using approval voting or
the Borda count, are discussed.
Received: 31 July 1996 / Accepted: 1 October 1996 相似文献
17.
We studied a population of Cooper’s hawks (Accipiter cooperii) in Tucson, Arizona from 1994 to 2005. High rates of mortality of nestlings from an urban-related disease prompted speculation
that the area represented an ecological trap and habitat sink for Cooper’s hawks. In this paper, we used estimates of survival
and productivity from 11years of monitoring to develop an estimate of the rate of population change, λ, for Cooper’s hawks in the area. We used a Cormack–Jolly–Seber approach to estimate survival of breeding hawks, and a stochastic,
stage-based matrix to estimate λ. Despite the urban-related disease, the estimate of λ indicated that the area does not function as a habitat sink for Cooper’s hawks (= 1.11 ± 0.047; P = 0.0073 for the null of λ ≤ 1). Because data required to reliably identify habitat sinks are extensive and difficult to acquire, we suggest that the
concept of habitat sinks be applied cautiously until substantiated with reliable empirical evidence. 相似文献
18.
Leslie B. Cohen 《Infancy》2004,5(2):127-130
Research on infant categorization has made remarkable progress since the first studies were reported in the late 1970s (e.g., Cohen & Caputo, 1978; Cohen & Strauss, 1977; Strauss, 1979). This progress is evident in a recent volume on early categorization and concept acquisition (Rakison & Oakes, 2003), the first half of which is devoted entirely to theory and research on infant categorization. Even in the early days of such research an important distinction was made between demonstration‐oriented studies and process‐oriented studies (Cohen & Younger, 1983; Younger & Cohen, 1985). Demonstration studies simply presented infants with established category items (by adult standards) such as pictures of stuffed animals, faces, dogs, cats, animals, or vehicles and examined whether infants would generalize their responding to novel members of the same category. Process studies, on the other hand, presented infants with novel categories and manipulated feature values of category items to examine the mechanisms underlying infant category acquisition. 相似文献
19.
《Journal of Women, Politics & Policy》2013,34(1-2):21-36
Abstract This research hypothesizes that, because of the particular stimulation provided by the focus on candidate sex and gender-related issues in the electoral environment, there was a unique set of demographic and attitudinal variables related to voting for a woman candidate for the House of Representatives in 1992. Because the environments of the elections of 1994 and 1996 were relatively “gender-free,” these variables were not related to voting behavior in these years. The analysis supports the hypothesis that the determinants of support for women congressional candidates are different in 1992 than in subsequent elections. It also suggests that the differing environments of the three elections may be a contributing factor to these differences. 相似文献
20.
We ask whether top-ranked male tennis professionals are more dedicated or commit-ted to their careers than the top-ranked
female professionals. We find no evidence that this is the case in the 1979–1994 period. Despite substantially lower real
earnings, the women pros competed for as many years as did the men and just as intensely in terms of annual number of tournaments
played. 相似文献