共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Costica Dumbrava 《Journal of ethnic and migration studies》2017,43(9):1490-1507
The steady decline of fertility rates in Europe raises a number of important questions about the demographic and cultural reproduction of national societies. Apart from being confronted with population shrinkage and ageing, most European societies are also becoming more diverse. Demographic changes tend to exacerbate nationalist anxieties about the physical and cultural survival of the nation. This article develops the concept of national reproduction regime in order to analyse strategies and interventions at the biological, formal, and ethno-cultural levels of reproduction through which states seek to ensure the physical and cultural reproduction of the nation. It outlines the national reproduction regime of post-communist Romania by way of mapping and discussing key policies on biological and formal reproduction, as well as public discourses that frame these policies. 相似文献
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Susan E. Maguire 《National Identities》2016,18(2):179-198
This article employs a transactional approach to examine the role of national stereotypes in the rise of American nationalism in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Despite deep sectional and partisan divisions within the US population, an American national identity was constructed in contrast to the British national character and perceived British ideals. This identity was constructed on an external categorization by the elite males of other nations, particularly England. Political satires and caricatures, particularly in the character of Brother Jonathan and John Bull, illustrate the oppositional nature of this nascent national identity during the early nineteenth century. 相似文献
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Tristan Sturm 《National Identities》2018,20(3):299-319
The term ‘religious nationalism’ is often theorized, at worst as antithetically conjunctive where religion is defined as the allegiance to God and nationalism is the allegiance to the nation, and at best as instrumental. I argue here that this fusion of religion and nationalism takes place most convincingly if we understand religion as adherent performance rather than solely as a theological container of tenants. I illustrate this through American Christian Zionist performances and discourses regarding their self-imagined identity as being in a national diaspora for Israel. I argue this religious nationalism is possible because Christian Zionist performances of a national allegiance to Israeli Jews are grounded in an apocalyptic narrative of the future. 相似文献
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Diana Muir Appelbaum 《National Identities》2013,15(4):317-332
The emergence of Protestant nations in sixteenth-century Europe was driven by the sudden rediscovery of biblical nationalism, a political model that did not separate the religious from the political. Biblical nationalism was new because pre-Reformation Europeans encountered the Hebrew Bible through paraphrases and abridgments. Full-text Bibles revealed a programmatic nationalism backed by unmatched authority as the word of God to readers primed by Reformation theology to seek models in the Bible for the reform of their own societies. Sixteenth-century biblical nationalism was the unintended side effect of a Reformation intended to save souls. 相似文献
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Peter Kreuzer 《National Identities》2013,15(1):41-59
In 1963 the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, and Sabah formed the Federation of Malaysia. In the same year Indonesia gained control over West Papua. In the first case the integration was accomplished participatory and peacefully, in the second violence reigned supreme. I argue that different visions of community, nation and state, developed during the decades of decolonisation and the early years of state- and nation-building, are responsible for the different outcomes. Contrary to the expectations of the predominant theories on nationalism the ethno-cultural variant of nation-building in Malaysia proved to be much more integrative than the civic variant espoused by the Indonesian nation-builders. 相似文献
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This article engages with Montserrat Guibernau's argument about the ‘non-emotional’ nature of European identity. In critiquing this argument, this article also advances a broader argument of its own: that we are witnessing an emergent European nationalism. The article suggests that although there are few people who passionately defend European integration today, those that do are increasingly resorting to arguments that depend simultaneously on invoking and rejecting collective memories of intra-European conflict derived from the ‘emotive’ period of European integration in the 1940s to shore up the increasingly challenged legitimacy of the European Union today in its hour of greatest crisis. 相似文献
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交流与表征:民族性、民族主义与本土化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在对民族进行的文化研究中,民族性、民族主义与本土化是核心概念,而其中的关系更是需要厘清的重要地点.文章指出,在几个范畴之间有许多因子是融通流动的,这种状况的形成不是原始的,而是历史形成的文化现实,这种现实在时空流转中无时无刻不在发生着变化. 相似文献
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Hijin Park 《Social Identities》2013,19(5):643-663
This paper examines the ambivalent positioning of difference in western multicultural nation-states in the neoliberal moment. It does so by analyzing the multiple and contradictory ways that the figure of Governor General Adrienne Clarkson, a Chinese Canadian woman, was utilized in the service of Canadian nation-building. Much heralded as the first racialized minority (and second woman) to be appointed to the highest public position in the land, Clarkson was chosen to represent and define the Canadian nation to itself and to the international community because of, and not in spite of, her difference. Drawing on media and government texts, this paper highlights the narratives that shaped the meaning of Clarkson's appointment as well as the narratives that were negated. The author emphasizes how gender, in addition to class, race and ethnicity, was central to Clarkson's appointment by analyzing how the disassociation between women and Asian capital was key to her ability to speak for us as one of us. In addition to Canadian government and corporate elite courting of Asian capital, gender was also key to the other narratives that could not be spoken, Clarkson's interracial marriage and discourses of miscegenation. 相似文献
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Isabelle Auguste 《National Identities》2013,15(4):425-436
In February 2008, Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd apologised to Indigenous Australians for past injustices. The apology was presented as a turning point in the history of the nation. According to Rudd, ‘there comes a time in the history of a nation when peoples must become fully reconciled to their past if they are to go forward with confidence to embrace their future’. The apology marked a new step in the reconciliation process in Australia, but as this article argues, the treaty issue – another controversial aspect of reconciliation – remains a major challenge to the Australian nation. 相似文献
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Jasper M. Trautsch 《National Identities》2016,18(3):289-312
This article critically analyzes the origins and nature of American nationalism. The first part examines the historiographical debate on the question in what period the formation of an American national identity occurred, i.e. before or after the American Revolution. The second part is concerned with the nature of American nationalism, casting doubt on the claim that American nationalism is exceptional, i.e. inherently different and morally superior to other nationalisms. It refutes the exceptionalist claim by applying recent findings in European nationalism research to the American case and by reinterpreting American nationalism not as an introspective phenomenon but as a demarcation process. 相似文献
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网络空间下中国大众民族主义的动员与疏导 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
网络民族主义是后冷战时期中国民族主义的重要组成部分和表现形式,而网络民族主义动员则是网络民族主义思潮迈向网络民族主义行动的核心环节.文章区分了网络空间下中国大众的国家民族主义动员者与被动员者,以及族裔民族主义动员者与被动员者,阐释了五种动员类型及其相关机理,并探讨了网络民族主义动员的特点,最后提出了疏导与治理网络民族主义的九点意见. 相似文献
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Davinia Thornley 《National Identities》2013,15(1):61-76
Broken English and the bone people, a New Zealand film and novel respectively, fall into the category of nation‐building texts. Many narratives in this ‘genre’ accomplish cultural reunification through the family. However, these two works are particularly intriguing because they use land and specific spaces in order to work through these transcultural shifts as they are played out within the main characters' relationships. ‘Breaking with English’ is therefore not only a linguistic concept, but also a metaphor for the transculturation of bodies and land undertaken throughout these two titles. 相似文献
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二十世纪的民族主义与恐怖主义 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
民族主义是恐怖主义最持久的动因。20世纪,伴随着民族主义浪潮的兴起和发展,恐怖主义成为某些民族主义团体的武器。二战后,民族解放运动型恐怖主义因其崇高的政治目标而拥有强大的群众基础,发生在某些国家内的民族主义型恐怖主义因其反独裁、反对民族歧视的性质也得到世界舆论的同情。恐怖主义在迫使有关国家改变政策方面起到了一定的效果。冷战后,民族主义型恐怖主义具有分离性、宗教性和危害性极大等特点。目前恐怖主义手段所发挥的作用正在下降,恐怖主义受到国际社会的普遍谴责。民族主义型恐怖主义今后将呈现两种发展趋势其一是通过和谈,摈弃恐怖主义,实现民族和解;其二是此类型恐怖主义将在相当长的时期内继续存在和发展。 相似文献
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民族主义已成为学术界的一大研究热点,关于民族主义的研究都或多或少的提及爱国主义.有学者认为民族主义就是爱国主义;有人认为民族主义和爱国主义是截然不同的两个概念;有人认为民族主义和爱国主义是时而重合时而不同;更多的学者对待这两个词汇不作辨析,含混使用.面对此种状况,本文试图对民族主义和爱国主义关系的研究做一简单评析. 相似文献
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Sonia Magdalena Tascón 《Social Identities》2013,19(2):253-274
Australia's history as a white nation has been riddled with not only mis-treatment of the ‘other’, but in more recent times of a type of invisibility of the ‘other’ that has disabled many within this nation from recognising the continuation of practices and policies of racial discrimination. This paper presents the findings from research conducted over 2001–03 during the ‘boat people’ crisis in Australia, when a number of everyday individuals volunteered time to assist refugees. It goes on to argue that while the policies of Multiculturalism of the 1970s had attempted to create a more inclusive society and had for the participants in this research transformed into nation-defining narrative, its failure to incorporate everyday people in its inception and continuation was productive of a blind spot in relation to racial treatment because most could believe all was well in this arena. 相似文献