Women for Ending Israeli Occupation in Palestine and for Building Peace

This article does not have an abstract     

伊拉克、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦政治结构比较研究

美国于2003年发动的伊拉克战争对中东地区政治制度产生了深刻影响,一些中东国家或政权的政治结构和政治力量对比因此出现了重大变化.其中,尤以伊拉克、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦的变化最为显著,它们按照政党制、议会制、选举制的模式各自进行了政治制度变革的尝试,并取得了一定进展,但总体尚不成熟.从西方引进的民主制度无疑改变了这些国家或政权的政治生活,有一定的积极作用,但不是治本良药,中东地区的问题需依靠地区自身来解决.     

伊拉克、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦政治结构比较研究

美国于2003年发动的伊拉克战争对中东地区政治制度产生了深刻影响,一些中东国家或政权的政治结构和政治力量对比因此出现了重大变化。其中,尤以伊拉克、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦的变化最为显著,它们按照政党制、议会制、选举制的模式各自进行了政治制度变革的尝试,并取得了一定进展,但总体尚不成熟。从西方引进的民主制度无疑改变了这些国家或政权的政治生活,有一定的积极作用,但不是治本良药,中东地区的问题需依靠地区自身来解决。     

Exploring the Causal Story: Gender, Active Representation, and Bureaucratic Priorities

Using the theoretical framework posited by Keiser et al. (2002),researchers have found active representation for gender in severalpublic organizations (Keiser et al. 2002; Nicholson-Crotty andMeier 2002; Wilkins and Keiser 2006). This article uses individual-leveldata to explore the causal story behind previous aggregate levelfindings that suggest that female child support enforcementsupervisors provide active representation to female clients,who directly benefit from increased child support collections(Wilkins and Keiser 2006). This article tests whether femalechild support enforcement supervisors behave differently thantheir male counterparts. The findings suggest that female supervisorshave different priorities and/or spend their time differentlythan their male counterparts, and these differences may leadto active representation. Using survey data, I examine the individual-levelcausal story behind the relationship between individuals andbureaucratic priorities.     

The Impact of Movements: Bureaucratic Insurgency,Canadianization and the CSAA*

Une plus grande attention est actuellement portée aux conséquences des mouvements sociaux. Basé sur du matériel d'archives et d'entrevues, cet article réexamine la notion d'insurrection bureaucratique de Zald et Berger afin d'analyser la dynamique de changement et de transformation de la Société canadienne de sociologie et d'anthropologie (SCSA) au début des années 1970. Contrairement à la thése de Weber‐Michels, qui prédit qu'en gagnant en maturité une organisation tend à devenir moins politisée et plus conservatrice, la SCSA s'est politisée par suite du mouvement de « canadianisation » des institutions culturelles et éducationnelles. Une explication pour ce changement est proposée, laquelle questionne la thèse de transformation organisationnelle de Weber‐Michels et les conséquences qui en découlent. Greater attention is now being given to the consequences of social movements. Relying on archival and interview material, this paper revisits Zald and Berger's notion of bureaucratic insurgency to analyse the dynamics of change and transformation in the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association (CSAA) during the early 1970s. Contrary to the Weber‐Michels thesis, which predicts that as organizations age they become less political and more conservative, the CSAA became politicized as a result of the movement to Canadianize cultural and educational institutions. An explanation for this change is offered, which serves to challenge the Weber‐Michels thesis of organizational transformation and its outcome.     

Negative Stereotypes of Ethnic Outgroups: A Longitudinal Examination Among Palestinian,Israeli Jewish,and Israeli Arab Youth

Ethno‐political conflict impacts thousands of youth globally and has been associated with a number of negative psychological outcomes. Extant literature has mostly addressed the adverse emotional and behavioral outcomes of exposure while failing to examine change over time in social cognitive factors in contexts of ethno‐political conflict. Using cohort sequential longitudinal data, this study examines ethnic variation in the development of negative stereotypes about ethnic outgroups among Palestinian (n = 600), Israeli Jewish (n = 451), and Israeli Arab (n = 450) youth over 3 years. Age and exposure to ethno‐political violence were included as covariates for these trajectories. Findings indicate important ethnic differences in trajectories of negative stereotypes about ethnic outgroups, as well as variation in how such trajectories are shaped by prolonged ethno‐political conflict.     

Young people,emotional suspicion and the emergence of paediatric selfhood in Palestine

This paper explores young people's relationships to emotions and mental health care in Ramallah, Palestine. Palestinian young people—via public anger, sadness, or even joy—are often marked as emotionally other in familial, institutional and other public spaces as part of NGO-driven constructions of emerging paediatric selfhood. In response, they reproduce and/or reframe notions of emotional suspicion that underwrite these marginalizing processes. Thinking along such axes as possibility and impossibility; mobility and immobility; and the local and international, they simultaneously integrate and resist representational subjection, which is an important part of understanding broader post-Oslo Palestinian identity and community formation.     

Bengaliness,Hindu nationalism and Bangladeshi migrants in West Bengal,India

Hindu nationalists made migration from Bangladesh an election campaign in West Bengal during the 1990s. Although there were various allegations against Bangladeshi migration, it never became a mainstream political issue in the state, like in neighbouring Assam. West Bengal shares the longest border with Bangladesh, compared to any other Indian state, and hosts a large number of Bangladeshi migrants, according to the Census reports in India. West Bengal and Bangladesh share a common ethnicity, both are predominantly Bengali. Can this shared Bengaliness explain why Bangladeshi migration did not become a divisive political issue in the state? If this sameness is a bonding factor, what about the Ghoti-Bangal differences? Drawn from in-depth interviews with the representatives of West Bengal’s key civil society organisations and political parties, I argue that a particular historical and cultural process, unique to West Bengal and Bangladesh, has shaped the current attitude towards Bangladeshi migrants in the state.     

Political opportunities and the quest for political recognition in Tibet,Taiwan, and Palestine

This paper introduces a political opportunity approach to conceptualizing the political recognition of states in the international system. The usefulness of the approach is demonstrated through a comparative analysis of the historical trajectories of Tibet, Taiwan, and Palestine in their attempts to become recognized as nation-states. I argue that political opportunities, alignment of interests, timing, and external patronage created political recognition outcomes observed for entities like Tibet, Taiwan, and Palestine. Recognition outcomes took multiple forms and included opportunities for recognition as well as whether or not a state government recognized these entities as independent states. More broadly, I argue that recognition outcomes for the cases in question are shaped by a larger political structure that I describe as the ‘opportunity structure for recognition.’     

Self,other and world: Discourses of nationalism and cosmopolitanism 1

Abstract

Cosmopolitanism has been understood as a postnational identity. This conflates the distinction between nation and nationalism. Most accounts of cosmopolitanism emphasise its legal form (e.g. Habermas’ constitutional patriotism) or its cultural dimension (transnational communities) or its political (e.g. democratic cosmopolitanism). This paper argues for a civic dimension to cosmopolitanism, conceived of in terms of discourses of self, other and world. This is tied to a notion of nations without nationalism.     

Technology and the Conflict of Professionals in Bureaucratic Organizations*

This paper reports upon a secondary analysis of Richard Hall's (1968) data, indicating that two major trends–the increasing professionalization of the labor force and the increasing bureaucratization of organizations–are not necessarily incompatible. Because the bureaucratic and professional models imply different forms of organization, most research has been directed toward isolating the sources of conflict; the major emphasis being upon the incompatibility of professional and bureaucratic control. Using Thompson's (1967) classification of technology, the present research has focused upon two dimensions of professionalism (self-regulation, and autonomy) and three dimensions of bureaucracy (rules, procedures, and technical competence). The results suggest that the relationships between these dimensions vary by organizational technology and the nature of the professional tasks.