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1.
Pattern perception and organization are critical functions of the visual cognition system. Many organizational processes are available early in life, such that infants as young 3 months of age are able to readily utilize a variety of cues to organize visual patterns. However, other processes are not readily evident in young infants, and their development involves perceptual learning. We describe a theoretical framework that addresses perceptual learning in infancy and the manner in which it affects visual organization and development. It identifies five kinds of experiences that induce learning, and suggests that they work via attentional and unitization mechanisms to modify visual organization. In addition, the framework proposes that this kind of learning is abstract, domain general, functional at different ages in a qualitatively similar manner, and has a long‐term impact on development through a memory reactivation process. Although most models of development assume that experience is fundamental to development, very little is actually known about the process by which experience affects development. The proposed framework is an attempt to account for this process in the domain of perception.  相似文献   

2.
Objective: The belief that college students gain 15 Ibs during freshman year is widespread, yet the evidence for this is limited. The authors aimed to determine whether college students gain weight during freshman year. Participants: The authors studied unmarried freshmen living on-campus at a private university in the northeastern United States. Methods: The authors used an online survey to collect information about social behaviors and weight. Results: The authors observed an average weight gain of 2.7 Ibs. About half of the students gained weight, and 15% lost weight. Men gained more weight than did women. Conclusions: Freshman weight gain was 5.5 times greater than that experienced by the general population.  相似文献   

3.
In this paper, we present some findings from research conducted in Finland on the emergence and nature of the Finnish government's Action Plans to Reduce Economic Crime and the Grey Economy. We set out the origins of the Finnish economic crime control programme, a programme that, if not unique, is peculiar in its concerted effort to attack this particular form of crime. We then address at length the prospects of such a programme - which has had some initial successes - being sustained. We consider this question through three forms of material: first, through seeking to draw some 'lessons' from other countries' experiences of efforts to control economic crime, and indeed some general international trends in this regard; second, via a conceptual consideration of the processes whereby economic crime control efforts are likely to slip down crime control agendas; and, third, through a brief analysis of the extent to which the conditions which gave rise to the Finnish initiative in the 1980s have since passed. In a discursive concluding section, we present some data on the changing levels of support for, and interest in, the programme within Finland.  相似文献   

4.
This paper discusses the constructivist, negotiated perspective to INGO accountability. According to this perspective, INGO accountability is a process of mutual negotiations between different INGO stakeholders who hold different accountability demands. Acknowledging that this perspective provides a good starting point for a better understanding of INGO accountability, we comment on this conceptualization of INGO accountability. Through an analysis of accountability instruments and procedures, we examine closely how the demands of the INGO’s stakeholders are embedded in particular relationships of accountability which are sustained by particular accountability logics. From this analysis, we point out that, due to the differences that exist between these accountability logics, processes of negotiation are likely to be filled with complex tensions and trade-offs. Moreover, as some accountability logics are much clearer and more compelling than others, a constructivist perspective on INGO accountability does not automatically coincide with an understanding of INGO accountability in which primordial importance is given to the beneficiaries.  相似文献   

5.
This paper identifies the common themes in 245-plus refereed articles on whiteness studies that were published in academic journals after 1992 in an attempt to assess the implications of whiteness studies for the discipline of sociology. Of special interest is the relationship between whiteness studies and Michael Burawoy’s call for public sociology. I argue that the emerging field of whiteness studies identifies itself as a public sociology that is infused by the moral vision of critical sociology. Nevertheless, the field does not accept professional sociology as Burawoy defined it. The ontological, epistemological, and soteriological foundations of whiteness studies encourage the field to pander to one segment of the public—the marginalized—and condemn another segment of the public—“privileged whites,” thus rendering impossible a democratic dialogue on one of the most basic social issues of our time. Conflating Western epistemology with whiteness encourages a misreading of American social scientific work on race relations, thus opening the door to a so-called hermeneutics of suspicion. The result is not an innocuous “pop” sociology, but a partisan sociology, whose implications should caution sociologists against an uncritical embracing of public sociology.  相似文献   

6.
Economists and sociologists of religion have claimed that religious establishment dampens religious vitality, leading to lower recruitment efforts, low attendance, declining membership within established congregations, and the ‘crowding out’ of non‐established congregations. Conversely, these authors have told us, disestablishment will lead to more religious vitality. Remarkably, even though these claims rest on the connection between establishment and the organizational and membership behaviour of local religious congregations, no research has directly examined that connection. We use the 2008 Swiss National Congregations Study as well as historical data to assess the effect of different levels of religious establishment on both established and non‐established congregations. We find that established congregations do indeed show less religious vitality than non‐established congregations. Contrary to the claims of the economic literature, however, these covariations are not caused by differences in religious establishment on the cantonal level. Both our quantitative and historical analyses show that disestablishment has not led to religious vitality for either established or non‐established congregations. The only clear effect of disestablishment is a dramatic decrease of income for established congregations. Based on quantitative and historical evidence, we suggest that differences between established and non‐established congregations are produced by differences in religious tradition and immigration flows, not by differences in levels of establishment.  相似文献   

7.
The impact of migration on development can be analysed from a number of perspectives. This article focuses on poverty and inequality. It assesses the relative contribution of migrants to Mexico′s economy through remittances, compared to other Latin American countries; analyses the distributional impact of remittances (with an emphasis on the poor), and compares this impact to the counterfactual impact of migrants’ stay‐at‐home income. It explains the processes leading to scant economic success rates among poor international migrants. Finally, it describes the nature and impact of current Mexican migrant‐oriented policies, and recommends a shift in focus, to lessen emigration, increase the income of migrants, promote returns, and bolster the economic impact of returning migrants.  相似文献   

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The equality/inequality dichotomy is a central concept in sociology and in the study of marriage. Almost all researchers, though, use their own preconceived definitions and measurement strategies to identify equal and unequal states of affairs. An alternative approach, one that better accords with interactionist principles, is to privilege people's interpretations of equality over analysts' Drawing on interviews with individuals who define their own marriages as equal or unequal, I compare people's stories about marital equality with scholars' depictions. While some narratives resonate (in part) with the themes propounded by scholars, others do not. If people's experiences of equality and inequality are to be taken seriously, then it is important to listen to what they have to say on the subject, as well as to how they say it. This is the distinctive contribution symbolic interactionists can make to the study of inequality.  相似文献   

11.
Educational research in Britain has been subject to substantial government intervention in recent years. The rationale for this has been the demands made by a model of evidence‐based policymaking and practice that carries implications for other fields of social research as well. In this paper, the growing influence of this model is sketched, and it is argued that it relies on some very questionable assumptions about what research can offer policymakers and practitioners. It is concluded that the consequences of enforcing this model are likely to be negative for both sides, but especially for research.  相似文献   

12.
Questioning the popular point-blank juxtaposition of “new social enterprises” and “old providers” of social services, the paper argues that contingency is an important feature of any organizational setting. Drawing on the case of Germany, it suggests a time-contingent typology of social enterprises covering the roots of social entrepreneurship in the nineteenth century over the rise of the Free Welfare Associations up to the often highlighted “new generation” of social entrepreneurs. Against this background, today’s social enterprises appear to be less novel and unique but again a time-contingent outcome of an adjustment to a zeitgeist-specific governance arrangement.  相似文献   

13.
After World War II, Yugoslavia as a state was reconstituted by a small communist elite. Since this was an ideocratic rule, ideology was taken seriously by the elite and treated enthusiastically. One of the elite’s initial goals was to speedily develop Yugoslavia, so that a Western level of economic development be achieved. Economic disparities among regions were also to have been overcome. For various reasons, this objective was never close to being achieved, although in certain periods economic development was strong. The elite tried to speed up growth by various incentives, including worker self-management. Failure to achieve this goal and various economic troubles first precipitated mutual acrimony within the elite along national lines, while at the next stage, it brought about ethnic segmentation of the elite itself. By 1972, the elite had dissolved into national, although still communist, elites. The major reasons for this process are found in the very failure to achieve the developmental goal, in the consociational nature of the political system, and in the nature of the political elites, which were national ones. Elite segmentation sheds important light on the dissolution of the Yugoslav state.  相似文献   

14.
The focus of this article is a relatively neglected area of social and family policy: its relationship with small business. Economic policy makers have encouraged enterprise, particularly in the form of small business, as a solution to problems of competitiveness and economic growth. The article uncovers what an enterprise culture actually means for some of those families who first embarked upon business ownership in the 1980s in the UK Using data from a qualitative study, it contends that, in contradiction to the enterprise rhetoric, for micro-businesses owners and their families, values of self-reliance and dependency often are found as opposite characteristics necessary for the success of a small business. A recent survey of micro-businesses in contrasting British regional economies suggests that such experiences are likely to be found amongst a substantial proportion of micro-businesses.  相似文献   

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The end of the Cold War brought about a great uncertainty in relation to the geopolitical order. The prevalence of this neoliberal model of development had as a prerequisite the integration of countries other than the traditionally developed and powerful nations of the West. As a consequence, the developing or the less economically developed economies were the ones appearing to acquire ‘renewed’ importance. A fundamental aspect of these repercussions was the triggering of ideological debates over the compatibility of Islam with this stage of capitalist development. One major axon of these debates was the ‘desecularization’ of capitalist modernization and the integration of Islam in the new global order. This article examines the case of Turkey in this framework. It analyses how the ‘Conservative Democracy’ programme of the Justice and Development Party is ‘harmonizing’ Islam with the transformation of the country and how this transformation is presented with ‘local colours’, being more acceptable and creating the new hegemony in Turkey.  相似文献   

17.
This article examines the ‘new constitutionalism’ of the free movement of capital at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) after the global economic crisis. It is argued that the concept of new constitutionalism, as developed by Stephen Gill, is an indispensable concept to understand the still growing institutionalization of neoliberal policies in constitutions, laws, institutions, and regulations. The latest attempt to further extend the constitutionalization of the free movement of capital, one of the pillars of neoliberalism, is the IMF's newly developed ‘institutional view’ on capital flows. This approach, while more pragmatic than earlier attempts, can be understood as a renewed effort to prevent emerging markets and developing countries from installing capital controls and deviating significantly from neoliberal policies. However, emerging markets and developing countries have opposed this new IMF framework. As such, the ability to further extend the new constitutionalism of the free movement of capital is severely weakened.

Este artículo examina el ‘nuevo constitucionalismo’ del libre movimiento de capital en el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), después de la crisis económica global. Se sostiene que el concepto del nuevo constitucionalismo, como lo desarrolló Stephen Gill, es un concepto indispensable para entender la aún creciente institucionalización de las políticas neoliberales en las constituciones, leyes, instituciones y regulaciones. El último intento para extender aún más la constitucionalización del movimiento libre de capital, uno de los pilares del neoliberalismo, es la ‘visión institucional’ sobre los flujos de capital, recientemente desarrollada por el FMI. Este enfoque, aunque más pragmático que en intentos anteriores, puede entenderse como un esfuerzo renovado para prevenir a los mercados emergentes y a los países en desarrollo, de instalar controles de capital y la desviación de modo significativo, de las políticas neoliberales. Sin embargo, los mercados emergentes y los países en desarrollo se opusieron este nuevo marco del FMI. Como tal, la habilidad para extender más allá al nuevo constitucionalismo del movimiento libre del capital se ha debilitado mucho.

本文检讨全球经济危机之后在国际货币基金组织(IFM)内的资本自由流动的“新宪政主义”。由吉尔(Stephen Gill)提出的“新宪政主义”的概念,被认为是理解在宪法、法律、机构和规章方面仍然扩张的新自由主义的制度化的不可或缺的概念。最近的进一步扩大资本流动的宪政化即新自由主义的支柱之一的企图就是IMF新开发的关于资本流动的“制度观点”。尽管比之早先的观点更务实,这一企图可以看做是为阻止新兴市场和其它国家设立资本控制和实质性地远离新自由主义政策的最新努力。不过,新兴市场和发展中国家反对IFM这一新框架。因此,进一步延伸资本自由流动的“新宪政主义”的能力遭到严重削弱。

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Эта статья исследует “новый конституционализм” свободного движения капитала в Международном Валютном фонде (МВФ) после глобального экономического кризиса. Утверждается, что концепция нового конституционализма, разработанная Стивеном Гиллом, является незаменимой для понимания концепции растущей институционализации неолиберальной политики в конституциях, законах, институтах и правилах. Последняя попытка МВФ продлить конституционализацию свободного движения капитала, одного из столпов неолиберализма, недавно разработанный "институциональный взгляд" на потоки капитала. Этот подход, хотя и более прагматичный, чем более ранние попытки, может быть понят как возобновленные усилия по предотвращению того, чтобы возникающие рынки и развивающиеся страны установили контроль за движением капитала, значительно отклоняясь от неолиберальной политики. Однако, развивающиеся страны и рынки выступили против этой новой структуры МВФ. По существу, способность к дальнейшему расширению нового конституционализма свободного движения капитала сильно ослаблена.  相似文献   

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Popular accounts in both social science and society claim that unemployment goes together with social withdrawal. However, empirical support for this conclusion is largely derived from cross-sectional studies or indirect measurements of social contacts. In this study, we argue that consequences of unemployment for personal networks differ across social groups and by length of unemployment. Using longitudinal data from the Swiss Household Panel (1999–2010), we focus on three frequently employed social network statistics: network size, contact frequency, and perceived support by friends, family, neighbors, and acquaintances. We estimate how short (<1 year) and long term (>1 year) unemployment relates to these network characteristics for men and women, people below and above 50 years of age, and lower and higher educated individuals. Our results provide a more-nuanced perspective on the commonly assumed social withdrawal following unemployment.  相似文献   

20.
Scholars across many disciplines have amassed a mountain of research documenting how social differences along lines of race, class, gender, and sexuality shape how those who need medical attention are cared for in the US healthcare system. Here, we aim to succinctly review a selection of studies that have considered the many ways both patients' and healthcare providers' social identities can impact care delivery. After establishing how these differences influence patient–provider interactions and patient diagnosis, treatment, and outcomes, we argue that a critical sociological perspective can help us to better understand why these inequities persist despite decades of research calling attention to them. Specifically, we suggest that research guided by symbolic interactionist and intersectional frameworks can generate more comprehensive analyses of inequality in healthcare delivery and help researchers delve deeper into the complex interactional processes undergirding disparities in care provision. We conclude by highlighting recent work that illustrates the value of this approach.  相似文献   

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