Implicit racial bias and prosocial behavior

This paper reports results of an experiment on the relationship between whites’ implicit racial bias and prosocial behavior toward blacks. We hypothesized that implicit anti-black bias would lead to less prosocial behavior (generosity with limited monetary resources). Consistent with our hypothesis, the results revealed that implicit anti-black bias, measured by the Implicit Association Test, had a negative effect on generosity toward blacks. This finding extends prior work by showing that implicit racial bias affects non-hypothetical decisions about how to allocate limited monetary resources. We conclude with a discussion of implications and suggestions for future work.     

The Privileges of Past Communist Party Membership in Russia and Endogenous Switching Regression

By now a large literature testifies to the enduring advantages ex-members of the Communist Party enjoy in post-communist countries. Most researchers argue that formal or informal institutional mechanisms explain this persistence. Gerber's (2000) alternative explanation contends that not institutions but certain durable personal characteristics give ex-party members a leg up. He uses endogenous switching regression (ESR) to test his theory. We argue that Gerber's own model does not show that the ex-party members' economic advantage is psychological rather than institutional. Then we demonstrate that Gerber's model is incomplete and once we add missing variables in the selection equation the model reduces to simple Analysis of Covariance Regression suggesting no selection effect. Finally, we voice more general doubts about ESR.     

战略思维能力作为马克思主义政党掌握领导权的重要条件——从马克思、恩格斯、列宁和毛泽东的战略实践历史来看

百年来党的一个重要历史经验是,提高党的领导能力必须加强党的建设.党的十九大报告对党的建设的总要求之一是全面增强执政本领,而执政本领的培养重在加强战略思维.战略思维是处于复杂斗争局势中的实践方式和能力.马克思主义政党从创立之初便处于复杂的斗争局面之中,作为代表无产阶级乃至全人类根本利益的政治主体,它需要成长为能够牢牢把握实践领导权的实践主体,才可能完成自身的历史使命.把握实践领导权的必要条件是具备良好的战略思维,能够在复杂多变的斗争环境中准确把握实践形势,制定适当和有利的战略.通过梳理马克思、恩格斯、列宁和毛泽东对战略思维的运用,以及战略思维与领导权关系的思想,可以充分说明党的十九大报告将战略思维置于执政本领之首,是经过历史实践证明的重要判断.     

The impact of attitudes and behavioral costs on environmental behavior: A natural experiment on household waste recycling

Numerous studies have shown the importance of incentives as well as of attitudes in explaining pro-environmental behavior. Reported attitude effects, however, are generally rather small and exhibit considerable variation among studies. Different theoretical perspectives can account for this finding: whereas theories of rational action suggest additive effects of costs and attitudes, the low-cost hypothesis and dual-process theories imply interaction effects - in different directions, resulting from different mechanisms. The present study tries to overcome the shortcomings of past research by using advanced statistical methods to test competitive hypotheses in the context of post-consumer waste recycling. We utilize data from a natural experiment on recycling participation in Cologne/Germany (n = 1882) in which the incentive structure for recycling changed due to the conversion of the recycling scheme from a drop-off system to curbside collection. In order to avoid self-selection bias, we conducted pre- and post-treatment surveys and applied conditional fixed-effects regression models. We found that curbside collection had a strong impact on recycling participation and attitudes had a moderate effect. The interaction is negative but statistically insignificant. Our findings contradict the low-cost hypothesis and provide some evidence that environmental concerns moderate the effect of the recycling scheme. We cannot, however, reject the rational choice proposition of mere additive effects.     

Social isolation,survey nonresponse,and nonresponse bias: An empirical evaluation using social network data within an organization

Survey researchers have long hypothesized that social isolation negatively affects the probability of survey participation and biases survey estimates. Previous research, however, has relied on proxy measures of isolation, such as being a marginalized group member within a population. We re-examine the relationship between social isolation and survey participation using direct measures of social isolation derived from social network data; specifically, instrumental research and expressive friendship connections among faculty within academic departments. Using a reconceptualization of social isolation, we find that social network isolation is negatively associated with unit response. Among women (a numerical minority group within the organization), we further find that social group isolation (i.e., lacking instrumental network connections to men, the majority group in the organization) is negatively associated with survey participation. Finally, we show that some survey estimates are systematically biased due to nonparticipation from socially isolated people.     

改革开放以来党的群众观发展及其阶段性特征

改革开放以来,中国共产党人在探索和回答"相信谁、依靠谁、为了谁"问题的过程中,丰富和发展了科学的群众观。这一群众观的发展,经历了四个阶段。从党的十一届三中全会召开到南方谈话,是第一阶段,形成了以"一切以人民利益为最高准绳"为核心、以"改革"为主题的群众观;从党的十三届四中全会到党的十六大召开,是第二阶段,形成了以"维护最广大人民的根本利益"为核心、以"执政"为主题的群众观;从党的十六大到党的十八大召开,是第三阶段,形成了以"以人为本"为核心、以"发展"为主题的群众观;党的十八大召开以来,是第四阶段,正在形成以"树立以人民为中心的工作导向"为核心、以"圆梦"为主题的群众观。     

Racial double standards and applicant selection

Using double standards to judge job applicants can prevent the selection of qualified candidates who possess disadvantaged status characteristics. Experimental studies have shown that when assessors compare equally qualified women and men for jobs, the men are more likely to be recommended for hiring. We propose that the theoretical processes affecting choices by gender also will apply with candidates differentiated by race. We test that and other predictions using a modification of the application folders design used in double standards research. We found that double standards affected job recommendations and judged suitability of candidates, but not their judged competence. We believe that the process operates outside of conscious choice of candidates, and we used that insight to test an intervention to overcome using double standards in situations of race-differentiated candidates.     

中国社会主要矛盾及其转化的实证解读

中国特色社会主义进入新时代,中国社会主要矛盾已经转化为人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾。准确理解和把握新时代中国社会主要矛盾的转化,总结历史和现实的经验,把握中国共产党在不同时期对我国社会主要矛盾的认识,把握中国社会主要矛盾的内在演化,把握平衡与充分发展的相对性,把握美好生活的内涵,对于“深入学习理解党的十九大精神,提升党的执政能力,丰富党的执政智慧,更好地运用习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想推进党和国家事业的不断发展,把我国建设成富强民主文明和谐美丽的社会主义现代化强国,实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦”都具有重大而深远的理论意义和实践价值。     

陈独秀马克思主义观形成的思想轨迹探微

陈独秀在经历五四新文化运动后迅速完成了思想转变,由信奉民主主义转向接受马克思主义。陈独秀思想的转变是受多种因素影响,既有自身内在因素的沉淀,也有外在因素的影响。陈独秀的马克思主义观形成的重要性在于：加速了马列主义在中国的传播,推进了中国共产党的创建,影响了一批先进青年思想方向的选择。     

中国共产党早期政党形象建构的特征与启示

政党形象建设是党的建设的重要组成部分，关乎党的生存发展和前途命运。中国共产党成立早期，依照马克思主义政党具有的人民性、革命性、先进性等根本属性，以及近代中国反帝反封建民主革命的现实需求，建构起“人民性”政党的本质形象、“革命性”政党的实践形象和“先进性”政党的特质形象。中国共产党建构的这一政党形象，彰显了中国共产党代表无产阶级利益、劳动人民利益和中国人民利益的价值立场，分别从阶级维度、人民维度、民族维度传播了中国共产党为工人阶级谋解放、为中国人民谋解放和为中华民族谋复兴的宗旨使命，体现了中国共产党作为人民政党、革命政党和先进政党的特殊性质。新时代的中国共产党，需要更好地深化人民性政党形象、筑牢形象建构的思想基础，坚持想群众之所想、急群众之所急的人民情怀，深化党的“同情人民”形象；坚持站在时代前列带领人民不断开创事业发展新局面，深化党的“领导人民”形象；坚持发展成果由人民共享，深化党的“服务人民”形象；需要更好地升华革命性政党形象构筑形象建构的实践基础，借助自我革命、社会革命、伟大斗争等革命话语、自我革命与社会革命相结合的革命实践以及弘扬不怕牺牲、英勇斗争的伟大建党精神升华、构筑新时代的革命形象；需要更好地巩固先进性政党形象夯实形象建构的价值基础，坚持马克思主义的根本指导，坚决驳斥否定工人阶级的言论，坚守党的组织原则、严肃党的纪律作风，巩固新时代党的先进性形象。     

Comparative power structures in American communities

This is an argument for the plausibility of comparative network analyses of power in American cities. In terms of structural analyses of community power and decision-making, traditional methods of obtaining network data have fostered and enervating gap between the substantive richness of case studies and the generalizability of comparative studies. The purpose here is to describe a practical method of gathering ersatz network data from interviews with a small number of strategically chosen informants so as to conduct comparative network analyses of community power. The ersatz network element z_ij is the extent to which two types of actors I and J are perceived by informants as having simultaneous control over community issues. Using data from interviews with informants in 51 American cities, the ersatz network data are shown to be efficient, reliable and substantively valid despite their low cost. The data are efficient in the sense that the proportion of sampling variance in an estimated network element declines exponentially with increase in the element's magnitude. The data are reliable in the sense that estimated structures are stable over issue and informant bias per se. The data are valid in the sense that they are consistent with previous community research; types of ersatz power structures are located in the 51 cities (a machine structure, an urban structure, a faction structure, and a class of reform government structures) and these types occur in cities with characteristics known to be associated with each type of power structure. I conclude with a summary and comments regarding future research; the selection of informants and the use of a computer program in which easily available characteristics of a community are the basis for predicting the type of power structure it most likely exhibited during the late 1960s.     

正确把握党的执政能力建设的指导思想和原则

加强党的执政能力建设,必须坚持以“三个代表”重要思想为指导,以密切党和人民群众的血肉联系为核心,以促进国家的全面发展为检验标准,以建设高素质干部队伍为关键,以加强党的基层组织和党员队伍建设为基础,以改革和完善党的领导体制和工作机制为重点。     

Women's age at first marriage and postmarital agency in Egypt

Early – or child – marriage (before age 18) may diminish women's ability to exercise agency, or their capacity to act upon their goals. Using a propensity score adjustment approach, we analyzed data from 2394 married women ages 35–49 years who participated in the 2006 Egypt Labor Market Panel Survey (ELMPS). We examined whether women's first marriage at age 18 or older was associated with their post-marital agency, measured in terms of their influence in family decisions, freedom of movement in public spaces, and unfavorable views about intimate partner violence against wives. In bivariate analyses, women's age at first marriage was positively associated with their decision-making and more equitable gender attitudes. However, once we controlled for selection into age-at-first-marriage groups, there were no significant differences between the two age-at-first-marriage groups in any dimension of women's agency. We examined the sensitivity of the non-significant age-at-first-marriage effects to possible violations of the strong ignorability assumption and the results did not alter our conclusions. The assumption that women's age at first marriage is a proxy for their post-marital agency, as defined here, warrants further study.     

提高创新能力，充分发挥社会科学院思想库作用

加强党的执政能力建设是全党的共同任务。作为哲学社会科学专门研究机构,我们应该充分认识加强党的执政能力建设的重要性和紧迫性,组织科研人员研究有关党的执政能力建设的重大问题;要坚持围绕加强党的执政能力建设创新工作思路、探索新的方式,推出更多的精品成果;为此,加强党的执政能力建设,繁荣发展哲学社会科学需要营造良好的外部环境。     

百年党史与科学评价毛泽东

习近平总书记在庆祝中国共产党成立100周年大会上的重要讲话,全面回顾了我们党百年走过的光辉历程,高度评价了以毛泽东同志、邓小平同志、江泽民同志、胡锦涛同志为主要代表的中国共产党人团结带领中国人民,为中华民族伟大复兴建立了彪炳史册的伟大功勋,为我们科学评价毛泽东同志的丰功伟绩指明了前进方向,提供了根本遵循.文章通过百年党史的主题、主线,全面认识和评价毛泽东彪炳史册的伟大功勋;通过中苏两国正反两方面历史经验教训的比较,坚持从党和国家前途命运的高度对待和评价开国领袖毛泽东.     

Underestimating busyness: Indications of nonresponse bias due to work-family conflict and time pressure

International research shows that both work-family conflict and time pressure are increasing in Western societies. With these increased pressures, precisely those people who are combining work and family obligations may be missing from survey estimates. This study investigates whether the measurement of work-family conflict (WFC) and time pressure is influenced by nonresponse bias. Using the Flemish “Work, Family and Time use in Flanders”-survey and the Basic Question survey for nonrespondents of this survey, we investigate whether nonrespondents score higher on subjective and objective indicators of WFC and time pressure than respondents. Results show that nonrespondents are indeed those sample units who experience significantly more WFC and time pressure, demonstrating that WFC and time pressure related nonresponse biases exist. Implications and suggestions to reduce bias in data collections are discussed.     

中国党政官员学历变化和代际更迭研究

经过分析2011年换届的省或自治区的党委常委和十二届至十七届政治局委员的学历,得出学历层次提高和人文学科和社会科学学历增多的结论,与之相伴的是中国领导代际更迭的三部曲:革命运动型官员——技术专家型官员——公共管理型官员。中国党政官员学历转变和代际变迁由多种原因造成:教育的迅速发展给深造创造了条件,部分理工科的干部通过在职教育变成文科;党和国家对于知识的重视,高学历成了晋升的重要阶梯;人文社科类型高层次人才短缺,公共管理型官员治国成世界趋势。党政领导干部学历转变和代际转换的积极影响:公共管理型官员顺应时代的发展,加速推进现代化进程;巩固共产党执政的政治合法性,官员合格型权威提升;多学科门类的领导集体有利于科学决策;弥补治理中的价值理性不足;提高党的执政能力和先进性建设;推动党内民主的发展。     

政党形象建设及其影响力

政党形象一般指人们对它的看法或印象。政党形象建设对一个政党来说具有三个方面的价值,一是促进政党认同,二是促进政党政治整合,三是促进政治忠诚。加强中共政党形象建设有助于促进党员的政治忠诚,提升内部凝聚力;增进民众对党的信任度,巩固和保持长期执政地位,以及提升国际交往能力。因此,要以党内民主提高党在其成员中的形象;以实践群众路线提高其在人民群众中的形象,以及发挥政党领袖的招牌作用,提升中共的国际形象。     

中国共产党生态文明理念及对党的建设的意义

中国共产党的生态文明理念是其关于建设生态文明总的看法和基本观点。它以马克思主义自然观为指导,以可持续发展为依据,以科学发展观为统领,反映我国经济社会发展实践的诉求。它在党领导中国特色社会主义建设的实践中形成和发展,反映着党对建设中国特色社会主义认识的过程,其成熟程度直接影响和决定着中国特色社会主义实践和理论的创新程度、丰富程度和深刻程度。它的确立对丰富和完善党的执政理念,提高党的执政能力,保持党的先进性,促进科学发展、和谐发展有重要价值和意义。     

Gender,nonstandard schedules,and partnership quality in the UK: Exploring heterogeneous effects through a quasi-experiment

This study adopts a potential outcomes framework to explore how nonstandard schedules (i.e., employment during nights, evenings, and weekends) affect partnership quality (PQ). Competing theories of positive and negative selection are proposed based on the contention that there will be heterogeneous returns to partnerships from nonstandard schedules (in terms of penalties and benefits) that will depend on how and why partners have selected into these arrangements. Mahalanobis Distance Matching techniques are then employed to mimic blocked randomization, simulate potential outcomes and identify patterns of heterogeneous effects using a sample of 21,766 workers in co-resident partnerships included in the UK Household Longitudinal Study (2010–2017). Results indicate that after correcting for baseline selection, weekend work only negatively affects PQ for mothers, whilst nonstandard hours take their most negative effect on PQ when worked by women without children. Maternal nonstandard hour work, on the other hand, is shown to positively affect PQ. However, results suggest this positive effect may often be obscured by patterns of negative selection. That is, the mothers most commonly observed in nonstandard hours are in partnerships that stand to benefit the least. In contrast, consistent patterns of positive selection into both nonstandard days and hours are observed for men without children, demonstrating the centrality of bargaining power and household constraints for selection. Such findings highlight the need to consider complex and gendered processes of household and socioeconomic selection when studying the relationship between nonstandard schedules and outcomes relating to family cohesion.