中国城市新移民的政治排斥问题分析

当前中国城市中存在较为严重的对城市新移民的政治排斥问题。这一问题的存在使城市新移民的民主权利难以得到保障,社会主义民主政治的优越性难以充分体现;可能导致群体对立和社会分裂,不利于社会主义和谐社会的建设;阻碍政治参与的有序扩大,增加中国政治发展的风险。积极推动户籍制度改革,给予城市新移民以市民权;逐步放宽城市选区选民资格,将城市新移民纳入城市选举制度中来;促进城市社区建设和社区政治发展,加强社会融合;积极发展壮大党和人民团体的基层组织,拓宽城市新移民合法政治参与的渠道,是解决城市新移民的政治排斥问题的良策。     

当代美国少数族裔人口变动特征及社会经济状况比较分析

根据美国 2 0 0 0年人口普查资料及美国政府和民间机构一些有关少数族裔的报告 ,通过对当代美国少数族裔人口在增长速度、出生率和死亡率、地区分布、城乡分布、年龄结构、家庭与婚姻和人口流动性等方面特征 ,以及教育、职业、收入和住房、医疗保险等方面社会经济状况进行的比较分析 ,得出如下结论 :总体上看 ,美国少数族裔的社会经济状况差过人口主体非西裔白人 ;而各少数族裔之间及内部在社会经济状况方面本身也存在巨大差异 ;少数族裔低下的社会经济地位及主流社会种族歧视的普遍存在 ,是导致一系列涉及少数族裔社会问题的重要原因     

跨界民族的类型、属性及其发展趋势

作者对跨界民族定义、类型和性质、跨界民族的民族过程与发展趋势等理论问题进行了探讨,认为当今世界各国的跨界民族有两种类型,一种是政治人类学范畴的人们共同体,一种是文化人类学范畴的人们共同体;跨界民族的属性取决于该民族与国家结合的形式,不同类型的跨界民族有不同的发展趋势。     

Adolescent girls’ race/ethnic status, identities, and drive for thinness

Using data from 7272 adolescent US girls, we explore how girls’ race/ethnic group status affects their bodyweight, perceptions of overweight, and weight control practices. We hypothesize that a girl’s race/ethnic status influences her basic identity which in turn prompts her to adopt or reject a “drive for thinness.” After controlling for family and peer support, school engagement, family SES, maturation, and family structure, we find that girls’ race/ethnic status influences their susceptibility to the thinness ideals of mainstream culture. African American girls weigh more than Asian, Hispanic, or White girls, but at any given weight they perceive themselves as overweight and attempt to control their weight less. Asian American and White girls invest most in thinness dynamics. Some evidence also suggests girls from lower SES families are less driven to be thin. Our results affirm the utility of viewing material bodies as “situations” that are experienced and interpreted in accord with identity group relations and dynamics.     

Income inequality,distributive fairness and political trust in Latin America

In the wake of rising levels of income inequality during the past two decades, widespread concerns emerged about the social and political consequences of the widening gap between the poor and the rich that can be observed in many established democracies. Several empirical studies substantiate the link between macro-level income inequality and political attitudes and behavior, pointing at its broad and negative implications for political equality. Accordingly, these implications are expected to be accentuated in contexts of high inequality, as is the case in Latin America. Despite these general concerns about the consequences of income inequality, few studies have accounted for the importance of individual perceptions of distributive fairness in regard to trust in political institutions. Even less is known about the extent to which distributive fairness perceptions co-vary with objective indicators of inequality. Moreover, the research in this area has traditionally focused on OECD countries, which have lower indexes of inequality than the rest of the world. This study aims at filling this gap by focusing on the relevance of distributive fairness perceptions and macro-level inequality for political trust and on how these two levels interact in Latin American countries. The analyses are based on the Latinobarometer survey 2011, which consists of 18 countries. Multilevel estimations suggest that both dimensions of inequality are negatively associated with political trust but that higher levels of macro-level inequality attenuate rather than increase the strength of the negative association between distributive fairness perceptions and political trust.     

Gender,justice and work: A distributive approach to perceptions of housework fairness

Most women and men report that the division of domestic labor in their household is fair, despite women undertaking approximately seventy percent of housework. This raises questions about how fairness is evaluated within partnerships. We explore how parenthood and relationship transitions affect perceptions of housework fairness using panel data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia Survey and panel regression models. Our results indicate that net of actual housework divisions, socio-demographic factors, time availability and relative resources, the transition to parenthood increases women’s perceptions of housework fairness immediately following the birth of a child, but decreases them in the long run. Relationship transitions have no independent effects. Our findings suggest that parenthood transitions are associated with changes in women’s identity, cognitive evaluations of fairness and feelings of entitlement, as indicated by distributive justice theory.     

How do we assign ourselves social status? A cross-cultural test of the cognitive averaging principle

Subjective social status (SSS), or one’s perceived social standing, is linked robustly to mental and physical health and is thought to be determined in part by a cognitive average of one’s past, present and expected socioeconomic status. However, this averaging principle awaits a formal test. Further, cultures differ with regard to how they perceive and discount time. In this study, I draw upon cross-sectional data from the United States and Japan (2005 MIDUS non-Hispanic whites and 2008 MIDJA), which measured subjective status in terms of one’s perceived standing within a personally defined community. I compare equal and unequal cognitive averaging models for their goodness of fit relative to a traditional present-based model. Socioeconomic status is assessed broadly, in terms of past, present and expected overall work and financial situations. In the United States, averaging models do not fit the data consistently better than a present-based model of SSS. However, in Japan, averaging models do fit SSS consistently better. These fit conclusions are robust to controlling for negative affect.     

Relational diversity and neighbourhood cohesion. Unpacking variety,balance and in-group size

Ethnic diversity is typically measured by the well-known Hirschman-Herfindahl Index. This paper discusses the merits of an alternative approach, which is in our view better suited to tease out why and how ethnic diversity matters. The approach consists of two elements. First, all existing diversity indices are non-relational. From the viewpoint of theoretical accounts that attribute negative diversity effects to in-group favoritism and out-group threat, it should however matter whether, given a certain level of overall diversity, an individual belongs to a minority group or to the dominant majority. We therefore decompose diversity by distinguishing the in-group share from the diversity of ethnic out-groups. Second, we show how generalized entropy measures can be used to test which of diversity’s two basic dimensions matters most: the variety of groups, or the unequal distribution (balance) of the population over groups. These measures allow us to test different theoretical explanations against each other, because they imply different expectations regarding the effects of in-group size, out-group variety, and out-group balance. We apply these ideas in an analysis of various social cohesion measures across 55 German localities and show that both in-group size and out-group diversity matter. For the native majority as well as for persons of immigration background, the variety component of diversity seems to be more decisive than has formerly been acknowledged. These findings provide little support for group threat and in-group favoritism as the decisive mechanisms behind negative diversity effects, and are most in line with the predictions of theories that emphasize coordination problems, asymmetric preferences, and network closure.     

从权力垄断到权力分享：台湾政党制度变迁的原因分析

20世纪八九十年代是台湾民主化转型的关键时期,在这期间,台湾的政党制度也逐渐从国民党一党垄断权力的霸权党制转变为各个政党分享权力的两党制。究其原因,既有中美关系改善给国民党带来的外部挑战,也有党外运动和省籍矛盾给国民党带来的内部冲击;既有政治腐败和选举体制僵化给国民党带来的自身困境,也有儒家文化与自由主义观念冲突给国民党带来的两难处境;既有李登辉不当的改革措施给国民党带来的分裂和伤痛,也有党外势力的团结合作给国民党带来的打击和毁灭。     

Liking and disliking minority-group classmates: Explaining the mixed findings for the influence of ethnic classroom composition on interethnic attitudes

Research on the influence of the number of ethnic minority group classmates on majority group students’ interethnic attitudes produced conflicting results. With data from 728 early adolescents, we found that the effect of the ethnic class composition depends on two opposing student-level mechanisms. First, majority group students who liked a larger number of minority group classmates developed more positive attitudes toward minority groups. Second, students who disliked a larger number of outgroup classmates developed more negative outgroup attitudes. In our sample, these two effects neutralized each other because the sample consisted of about the same number of students that liked most of their outgroup classmates and students that disliked most outgroup classmates. Results were consistent in cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses. These results support a new interpretation of the mixed findings in past research, suggesting that past studies may have differed in the number of students who liked and disliked outgroup classmates.     

政治发展中的政治生态问题

政治发展实际上是一种历史进程,是一个伴随着社会不断发展而同时得以推进的进程。无论是通过主观规划与设计所推动的一国政治发展,还是受到外部因素的影响而导致的政治发展,之所以形成种种差异或采取了不同的政治发展模式,主要在于其生存的生态环境不同。自然地理条件、物质生产方式与水平、社会传统、文化习俗、民族构成等,这些都是政治的生态环境因素,直接或间接地对政治的形成、变化、发展产生影响;同时,政治一旦形成,一旦通过其特有的力量作用于社会乃至作用于自然,也在直接或间接地影响、改变着其赖以生存的生态环境。所以,一方面,基于特定的国情基础来构建一国的政治体制,是政治发展必须遵循的一个基本规律;另一方面,合理借鉴人类政治文明的优秀成果来促进一国的政治发展,也是需要遵循的基本原理。从宏观的角度来看,人类能够互相学习、互相借鉴的那些共通的、普遍的政治文明成果主要包括:属于政治原则方面的,如"人民主权"原则以及基于这个原则的一些价值和理念;属于政治精神方面的,如国家治理中的"法治精神";属于政治技术方面的,如不同国家在全球化进程中面临共同问题的解决手段。当然,正确区分政治发展中的合理借鉴与向别国输出政治价值和制度这两者之间的原则性差别,在当代国际政治领域也是非常必要的。     

Perceived group cohesion versus actual social structure: A study using social network analysis of egocentric Facebook networks

Research on group cohesion often relies on individual perceptions, which may not reflect the actual social structure of groups. This study draws on social network theory to examine the relationship between observable structural group characteristics and individual perceptions of group cohesion. Leveraging Facebook data, we extracted and partitioned the social networks of 109 participants into groups using a modularity algorithm. We then surveyed perceptions of cohesion, and computed group density and size using social network analysis. Out of six linear mixed effects models specified, a random intercept and fixed slope model with group size as a predictor of perceived group cohesion emerged as best fitting. Whereas group density was not linked to perceived cohesion, size had a small negative effect on perceived cohesion, suggesting that people perceive smaller groups as more cohesive. We discuss the potential of social network analysis, visualization tools, and Facebook data for advancing research on groups.     

Income as a resilience factor for the impact of discrimination and institutional unfairness on minorities’ emotional well-being

This study investigated the impact of personal vs. institutional discrimination on the emotional well-being (EWB) of immigrant and ethnic minorities, and a possible protective mechanism of economic achievements that may buffer the negative effects of discrimination. Data were collected from the Israeli 2015 Social Survey. Immigrant minorities were those who came to Israel after 1980. Israeli Palestinians were regarded as an ethnic minority. The study showed that perceived unfairness and discrimination in public institutions, which were not necessarily directed towards individuals or their minority group, threatens EWB of minorities to an extent similar to that of personally experienced discrimination. Income moderated the effects of common and personal discrimination on EWB of immigrant and ethnic minorities, but not in the same way across the various groups. The study provides evidence that income may be a resilience factor, which buffers and compensates for the negative effect of discrimination on minorities’ EWB.     

Variable links within perceived police legitimacy?: Fairness and effectiveness across races and places

This work examines connections between two threads of community residents’ perceptions of local police legitimacy, effectiveness and procedural fairness, and how those links depend on race, place, and race/place combinations. Previous works have connected these two threads, but have failed (a) to explore the variability of that connection by race, place, and race/place combinations across communities spanning the urban to suburban to rural continuum or (b) to model mutual influence. An extension of the group position thesis and work on minority views of police practices suggest how these variations might be patterned. Data were derived from a 2003 probability-based sampling survey of household respondents across Pennsylvania (n = 1289). Generalized confirmatory factor analysis models built procedural fairness and effectiveness indices for four groups: whites in urban core counties, non-whites in urban core counties, whites in non-urban core counties, and non-whites in non-urban core counties. Non-recursive structural equation models revealed variable impacts of perceived police effectiveness on perceived police fairness and, to a lesser extent, of fairness on effectiveness. Implications for a more structurally and contextually aware understanding of links in police legitimacy models are developed.     

High political participation, high social capital? A relational analysis of youth social capital and political participation

Social capital has been alleged to increase the capacity for political mobilization. Yet, until now, the empirical debate has not succeeded in rendering a detailed account of the relationships between social capital and political participation partly because of the use of a reductive conception and operationalization of both concepts. Using a multidimensional and relational technique (multiple correspondence analysis) and a detailed youth survey data from Belgium, the article demonstrates that youth draw on diverse forms of social capital and that these forms vary along socio-economic status and ethnic origin. Six classes based on the forms of social capital were identified. Two of them - the ‘Committed’ and ‘Religious’ are highly political active. The ‘Committed’ Class, based on a diversified social capital, consists mainly of non-immigrant youth with a high socio-economic background undertaking a large diversity of political activities. The ‘Religious’ Class, based on a narrow social capital built around religious activities, is mostly composed of ethnic minority youth with a low SES involved in more specific political activities.     

Gender,status, and psychiatric labels

We examine a key modified labeling theory proposition—that a psychiatric label increases vulnerability to competence-based criticism and rejection—within task- and collectively oriented dyads comprised of same-sex individuals with equivalent education. Drawing on empirical work that approximates these conditions, we expect the proposition to hold only among men. We also expect education, operationalized with college class standing, to moderate the effects of gender by reducing men’s and increasing women’s criticism and rejection. But, we also expect the effect of education to weaken when men work with a psychiatric patient. As predicted, men reject suggestions from teammates with a psychiatric history more frequently than they reject suggestions from other teammates, while women’s resistance to influence is unaffected by their teammate’s psychiatric status. Men also rate psychiatric patient teammates as less powerful but no lower in status than other teammates, while women’s teammate assessments are unaffected by their teammate’s psychiatric status. Also as predicted, education reduces men’s resistance to influence when their teammate has no psychiatric history. Education also increases men’s ratings of their teammate’s power, as predicted, but has no effect on women’s resistance to influence or teammate ratings. We discuss the implications of these findings for the modified labeling theory of mental illness and status characteristics theory.     

社会转型与少数民族价值观变迁:以西南地区为例

从西南少数民族历史发展进程来看,其生活环境相对封闭,从而对少数民族成员的自我与他者认同构成了影响,形成特定的制度体系、交往体系和价值体系。但随着改革开放和社会转型的推进,少数民族的价值观体系也发生了变化,具体表现在价值主体、价值运行以及身份认知三个层次上,它们共同促进了少数民族的认同序列重构。     

中国农村基层民主选举中经济投票行为研究

"经济投票"理论为分析公民投票行为内在机理提供有效的观测窗口。伴随我国农村基层群众自治组织民主选举的蓬勃开展,针对投票人投票参与和投票选择等行为研究的重要性日益凸显。已有研究中由于存在样本选择、资料来源、研究方法取向等问题,无法从严谨的学术视角提供经济投票理论对中国农村基层民主选举行为的影响的实证分析。对经济投票理论展开全景性回顾和归纳性评述,基于全国性调查数据来实证分析农村基层选举中经济投票理论的现实影响,可以发现,年龄与投票行为之间存在倒U形关系,社会经济地位对投票行为的影响主要通过经济状况和主观社会地位来施加,政治涉入程度越深的村民更倾向于积极参与,认为"经济发展比民主重要"的人群更愿意投票,"经济评价"对投票行为只发挥了很有限的影响。所谓"经济投票"理论对中国农村基层投票行为的解释力有限,可能受理论局限性、经济投票测量问题、中国当前重经济发展的宏观环境以及村庄的异质性的影响。     

中西老年保障的政治基础比较及其家庭文化根源探究

中国与西方的老年保障具有深厚的政治基础差异。中国的政治具有久远的礼治政治传统,家长政治也是长期以来中国政治的重要属性。中国的老年人在礼制政治中居于特权的一级,并在家长政治中担任"统治者"的角色。西方的政治具有久远的法治政治传统,公民政治也是长期以来西方政治的重要属性。西方的老年人在政治体制中并没有明显的特权地位。中西老年保障的政治基础差异,可以从中国的家庭人文化与西方的社会人文化的分野中找到根源。     

关于建构我国竞选制度的思考

关于竞选的研究是完善中国选举制度的子课题。选举实践和理论水平、民众的政治文化素质、选举文化的不足等因素决定在我国应开展“有限竞选”。在各种文件中将各类提名主体的叙述顺序进行调整;敦促单位启动内部的民主参与机制确定提名候选人;理性开展确定正式候选人的“酝酿、讨论、协商”等是候选人产生环节“有限”竞选的措施。候选人与选民或代表之间直接接触;候选人之间展开辩论;候选人依法选择自我宣传的方式等是从候选人到正式当选进程中的竞选机制建构的可选路径。