收入不平等与公平分配:对转型时期中国城镇居民公平观的一项实证分析

通过分析2005年中国城镇居民的调查数据发现,教育的启蒙性质能够使人超越狭隘的利己主义,从而对不平等持更加批判的态度;国有部门就业者和老年人所认可的不平等程度较低,体现了平均主义价值观的影响;地区实际的不平等程度越大,人们对不平等的认可程度越低。本研究既指出人们在减少收入不平等程度方面的普遍共识,又分析了人们认可的收入不平等程度的差异模式,从而有助于进一步理解民众如何感知和评价当前中国社会面临的日益严峻的收入不平等问题。     

制约农民致富的制度分析

本文认为农民贫困有三重含义 :一是货币的和实物的收入低、享受的社会福利少 ,即收入贫困 ;二是创造财富和收入的能力差 ,即能力或人力资本的贫困 ;三是获取收入或财富和提高能力的权利和机会少 ,即权利和机会的贫困。这三重意义上的贫困内在联系 ,而且形成恶性循环。从根本上说 ,农民贫困是制度性贫困 ,是不合理的制度决定了农民贫困、制约了农民致富。现行土地制度、户籍制度、税费制度、教育制度和政治体制中不合理的成分是导致农民贫困或不能致富的主要因素     

工业化、制度变革与促进共同富裕：1949～2011

新中国的经济发展史．是国家为加速工业化而不断探索能够与之相适应的经济体制的历史,而其中的收入分配制度则同时包含着两个目标：一是现有制度能够保障有足够的积累可以支持经济发展,二是社会主义的目标是共同富裕。在加快工业化这个大前提下,前30年,在公有制和计划经济体制下,就收入分配关系而言,主要是如何处理好国家与人民的关系,也就是积累与消费的关系;而后30多年,特别是1992年逐步建立起市场经济体制以后,就收入分配而言,主要的问题是如何处理好资本与劳动的收益关系。     

From general discrimination to segmented inequality: Migration and inequality in urban China

Internal migration in China during the last three decades, the largest in human history, offers a rare opportunity to understand inequalities in the making. Using data spanning 10 years from China’s largest metropolis, Shanghai, this study assesses how enduring state institutions interplay with the spread of market forces to shape income inequality between migrants and native urban workers. Though the wages of both Chinese migrants and urban workers rose considerably, economic restructuring during the decade under study resulted in diminished privileges for urbanites and subsequently increased collision between migrants and urban workers in the private sectors. These shifts, rather than substantially reducing inequality, have led to an evolving form of inequality, from an initial general blatant discrimination against migrants across the board, to a new and more subtle form of inequality characterized by substantial segmented discrimination against migrants within economic sectors, with the degree of inequality varying from sector to sector. We discuss how this changing inequality reflects complementary rather than competing roles of the state and market institutions in inequality creation and maintenance.     

The environmental efficiency of well-being: A cross-national analysis

Recent research has conceptualized sustainability as the environmental efficiency of well-being (EWEB). This concept takes into account the benefits societies are able to produce from their demands on the environment. Research along these lines indicates that countries vary widely in the efficiency with which they transform the Earth’s resources into well-being. Here, we take up this finding as a puzzle to be explained. We construct a new measure of EWEB using the ecological footprint per capita (a measure of environmental consumption) and average life satisfaction (a measure of subjective well-being). We draw hypotheses from political economy, modernization, and sustainable consumption theories in the environmental social sciences. Using full information maximum likelihood estimation, we test the effects of climate, political, economic, and social factors on EWEB with a sample of 105 countries. Key findings include a negative quadratic effect of economic development on EWEB, a negative effect of income inequality, and a positive effect of social capital.     

1978—2007年中国城乡收入差距的变迁及影响因素分析

改革开放以来,随着中国经济的高速增长,城乡收入差距已引起广泛关注。1978—2007年的30年间城乡收入差距在不断波动中呈上升趋势,城乡收入差距对全国收入差距的贡献率这一指标表明,城乡收入差距已成为中国目前最重要的收入差距。造成及影响中国城乡收入差距的因素是多方面的,如典型的城乡二元经济结构、第一产业收入增长受到多种因素的制约、保证农村居民收入增长的农业政策供给稀缺、城乡人力资本存量存在差距等。     

垄断劳动力市场、最低工资限制和不平等

关于劳动力垄断市场对于加总经济和社会福利水平的影响,现有主流经济学已经有了很规范的结论,即垄断肯定会造成产出水平和社会福利水平的损失。本论文主要分析劳动力市场的垄断对不平等的影响以及最低工资限制对不平等的作用。本论文的分析表明:首先,同完全竞争的劳动力市场相比,完全垄断市场肯定会加剧不平等;其次,即使在完全竞争劳动力市场下,最低工资限制对不平等的影响也是不一定的,它具体取决于均衡状态劳动需求弹性的大小;最后,在劳动力市场存在买方垄断的情况下,高于完全垄断市场工资水平的最低工资限制肯定会使得失业和不平等同时改善。     

From institutional segmentation to market fragmentation: Institutional transformation and the shifting stratification order in urban China

Focusing on the changing roles of organizations, this study develops an institutional framework to examine the shifting stratification order since the mid-1990s in urban China. We argue that, after the mid-1990s, the Chinese state led a dual process of institutional transformation. On the one hand, the state dismantled the socialist redistributive system and broke down institutional segmentation based on organizational ownership and bureaucratic rank. On the other hand, the state developed different markets with various paces and strategies, resulting in fragmented market environments. In this context, reformed organizations interacted with heterogeneous market conditions to exert different impacts on multiple dimensions of social inequality. We draw empirical evidence from two national survey data collected in 1994 and 2003 during a critical period. Our findings show that the foundation of the stratification order has shifted from institutional segmentation to market fragmentation in urban China. This study calls for substantive institutional analysis to better understand the intricate landscape of social inequality in transitional economies.     

中国劳资不对称博弈现象分析

随着计划经济体制的瓦解和市场经济体制的逐渐形成,劳资关系已成为中国现阶段的基本社会关系之一,即"雇主方"和"受雇方"。然而在中国的转型期,在正常的现代社会结构形成过程中,中国的劳资关系出现了新问题,即:劳资双方之间的博弈出现了不对称和不平等现象,即"强资本、弱劳动",尽管说该问题出现的原因十分复杂,但我们认为,实行政府的积极介入、工会的激活、三方协商机制的有效运转,能够使该博弈现象明显改善。     

Societal Inequality and individual subjective well-being: Results from 68 societies and over 200,000 individuals, 1981–2008

Income inequality has been contentious for millennia, a source of political conflict for centuries, and is now widely feared as a pernicious “side effect” of economic progress. But equality is only a means to an end and so must be evaluated by its consequences. The fundamental question is: What effect does a country's level of income inequality have on its citizens' quality of life, their subjective well-being? We show that in developing nations inequality is certainly not harmful but probably beneficial, increasing well-being by about 8 points out of 100. This may well be Kuznets's inverted “U”: In the earliest stages of development some are able to move out of the (poorly paying) subsistence economy into the (better paying) modern economy; their higher pay increases their well-being while simultaneously increasing inequality. In advanced nations, income inequality on average neither helps nor harms. Estimates are from random-intercept fixed-effects multi-level models, confirmed by over four dozen sensitivity tests. Data are from the pooled World Values/European Values Surveys, Waves 1 to 5 with 169 representative national samples in 68 nations, 1981 to 2009, and over 200,000 respondents, replicated and extended in the European Quality of Life Surveys.     

社会资本理论视角下的政治参与

健康适度的政治参与对于我国现代化进程中的政治稳定与政治发展尤为重要。以信任、互惠规范和关系网络等形式存在的社会资本能够增强公民的政治认同感,为公民政治参与提供良好的社会规范秩序以及公众参与网络,这就要求我们重视社会资本在政治参与中的作用,培育社会资本,加强政府与公众的信任与合作;塑造参与型政治文化;培育公民政治参与的载体——第三部门,从而形成政治参与中的国家与社会、政府与公众的良性互动。     

Income inequality,distributive fairness and political trust in Latin America

In the wake of rising levels of income inequality during the past two decades, widespread concerns emerged about the social and political consequences of the widening gap between the poor and the rich that can be observed in many established democracies. Several empirical studies substantiate the link between macro-level income inequality and political attitudes and behavior, pointing at its broad and negative implications for political equality. Accordingly, these implications are expected to be accentuated in contexts of high inequality, as is the case in Latin America. Despite these general concerns about the consequences of income inequality, few studies have accounted for the importance of individual perceptions of distributive fairness in regard to trust in political institutions. Even less is known about the extent to which distributive fairness perceptions co-vary with objective indicators of inequality. Moreover, the research in this area has traditionally focused on OECD countries, which have lower indexes of inequality than the rest of the world. This study aims at filling this gap by focusing on the relevance of distributive fairness perceptions and macro-level inequality for political trust and on how these two levels interact in Latin American countries. The analyses are based on the Latinobarometer survey 2011, which consists of 18 countries. Multilevel estimations suggest that both dimensions of inequality are negatively associated with political trust but that higher levels of macro-level inequality attenuate rather than increase the strength of the negative association between distributive fairness perceptions and political trust.     

在把握政府与市场关系中推进共同富裕

能否正确把握和有效解决共同富裕问题,需处理好政府和市场的关系。在市场层面,要正确看待市场的平等问题,区分分配不均的市场因素和体制因素,在完善生产要素按贡献参与分配的机制中,将收入差距限制在合理的范围内;在政府层面,政府作为推进共同富裕的主体,要在合理划分政府和市场的界限中发挥好政府在再分配中的作用,把满足全体人民的基本需要放在优先地位,并将提高全体劳动者的能力作为扩大中等收入群体和逐步缩小差距的长久之计。     

Inter-generational micro-class mobility during and after socialism: The power,education, autonomy,capital, and horizontal (PEACH) model in Hungary

We propose a theoretical model of how occupational mobility operates differently under socialism than under market regimes. Our model specifies four vertical dimensions of occupational resources—power, education, autonomy, and capital—plus a horizontal dimension consisting of linkages among occupations in the same economic branch. Given the nature of state socialist political-economic institutions, we expect power to exhibit much stronger effects in the socialist mobility regime, while autonomy and capital should play greater stratifying roles after the market transition. Education should have stable effects, and horizontal linkages should diminish in strength with market reforms. We estimate our model's parameters using data from surveys conducted in Hungary during and after the socialist period. We adopt a micro-class approach, though we test it against approaches that use more aggregated class categories. Our model provides a superior fit to other mobility models, and our results confirm our hypotheses about the distinctive features of the state socialist mobility regime. Mobility researchers often look for common patterns characterizing mobility in all industrialized societies. Our findings suggest that national institutions can produce fundamentally distinct patterns of mobility.     

The downside of marketization: A multilevel analysis of housing tenure and types in reform-era urban China

Based on data from the 2005 National Population Sample Survey and compiled covariates of 205 prefectures, this research adopted principal-component and multilevel-logistic analyses to study homeownership in urban China. Although the housing reform has severed the link between work units and residence, working in state sectors (government, state-owned enterprises and collective firms) remained significant in determining a household’s entitlement to reform-era housing with heavy subsidies or better qualities. While the prefecture-level index of marketization reduced local homeownership of self-built housing, affordable housing and privatized housing, its effect is moderated by cross-level interactions with income, education and working in state sectors across different types of housing. Meanwhile, the index of political and market connections promoted all types of homeownership except for self-built housing. By situating the downside of marketization within a context of urban transformation, this research not only challenges the teleological premise of the neoliberal market transition theory but calls for research on institutional dynamics and social consequences of urban transformation in China.     

Emerging inequality in effort: A longitudinal investigation of parental involvement and early elementary school-aged children’s learning time in Japan

While studies on effort (e.g., Carbonaro, 2005; Kariya, 2000, 2013) have revealed relationships among students’ effort (e.g., self-reported learning time), socioeconomic status, and school-related factors (e.g., tracking) through secondary education data, whether and how the effort gap emerges and widens in the early years of compulsory education have not been researched. This study investigates the beginning of inequality in effort by using four waves (from first- to fourth-grade students) of the Longitudinal Survey of Babies in the 21st Century, collected in Japan. The results indicate that college-educated parents tend to employ parenting practices that directly and indirectly shape children’s learning time; inequality in effort exists, and it becomes exacerbated partly because of parenting differences in a society with a relatively equal elementary education system.     

Race,ageism and the slide from privileged occupations

The sociological literature on workplace inequality has been relatively clear regarding racial disparities and ongoing vulnerabilities to contemporary structural and employer biases. We still know little, however, about the consequences of age and ageism for minority workers and susceptibilities to downward mobility. Coupling insights regarding race with recent work on employment-based age discrimination, we interrogate in this article African Americans and Whites, aged 55 and older, and the extent to which they experience job loss across time. Our analyses, beyond controlling for key background attributes, distinguish and disaggregate patterns for higher and lower level status managers and professionals and for men and women. Results, derived from data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, reveal unique and significant inequalities. Relative to their White and gender specific counterparts, older African American men and women experience notably higher rates of downward mobility—downward mobility that is not explained by conventional explanations (i.e., human capital credentials, job/labor market characteristics, etc.). Such inequalities are especially pronounced among men and for those initially occupying higher status white-collar managerial and professional jobs compared to technical/skilled professional and blue-collar “first line” supervisors. We tie our results to contemporary concerns regarding ageism in the workplace as well as minority vulnerability. We also suggest an ageism-centered corrective to existing race and labor market scholarship.     

转轨时期中国国家资本的历史性变革

魏明孔认为,中国前近代社会的政府经济职能主要在政府直接经营一定的行业或领域,政府在一定程度上对经济进行宏观调控和政府制定经济政策法规等三个层面。朱荫贵认为,近代中国国家资本企业在中国社会经济结构中占据统治地位的现象是历史发展的必然,对国家资本企业在近代中国社会经济生活中发挥的作用应给予适当地肯定。武力认为,新中国成立之后,由政府来推进工业化,由国营企业贯彻工业化意图,在较短的时间内建立起了独立完整的工业体系,但是也付出了经济运行波动大、结构失衡和资源浪费的严重代价。剧锦文认为,改革开放之后,中国进入向市场经济全面转轨的新时期,国家资本的运行形态日益市场化,国家资本的实现形态更加高级化,国家资本大大提升了控制力;国家资本壮大的同时,国有资产、国家资本正遭遇巨大的流失风险。     

农村人力资本运作与农民增收的关系

当前对影响农民收入因素的分析大都限于市场、政策及自然等外部条件的研究,从农民自身特别是人力资本存量(平均受教育水平)的角度来研究农民持续增收问题才更为根本.通过模型、Cobb-Douglas生产函数等实证分析可见,农村人力资本投资不足、投资收益率相对低下,是我国农民收入增长缓慢的根本性原因.因此,我们必须从增加农村人力资本投资入手,提出增加农民收入的建设性对策.     

资本市场监管体制解析及其效率提升

中国资本市场自上而下的监管体制导致资本市场呈现阶段性效率增进的特征,随着国内资本市场对外开放程度的不断提高和国际化进程的加快,需要资本市场灵活应对急剧变化的市场环境和要求,而只有在资本市场权利义务清晰定义的基础上,构建泛利性和创新性的资本市场监管体制才能实现资本市场效率的持续提高。