论政治文明建设与政治体制有效运行

发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,是社会主义现代化建设的重要目标。政治文明建设的当务之急是政治制度创新,建立有效运行的政治体制,实现社会主义民主政治的制度化、规范化、程序化。有效运行的政治体制应包括先进的思想观念;权力的协调、制约、监督机制和行为的激励机制;社会的安全与稳定等。     

约翰·洛克《政府论》的逻辑基础评析

客观地评价一个人的行为及其作品,应当综合考虑他所处的那个特定的时代背景。约翰·洛克的思想担负了为第一次具有世界性意义的英国资产阶级革命鸣锣开道的历史使命,其一系列政治主张直接影响了美国、法国等一些国家的政治制度变革,推动了世界法治进程的加速。然而,以现代人的眼光去评判,洛克的许多政治主张和思想并不具有科学性和客观性,而且在逻辑基础和论证方式上存在着很大的局限性和不足,这就使得《政府论》的政治主张和思想处在一种不稳定和无法证实的基础之上。《政府论》的政治思想、观点和主张只具有重大的时代意义,并不是仍能适用于现代的普世真理。     

自然法的古今之变:《自然社会》的思想史评析

从自然法到自然权利的范式突变是西方社会思想史和政治思想史上的重大事件。政治社会乃是自然社会,即符合人的自然性（人性）的社会,这一由亚里士多德首先系统阐述并主导着西方古代和中世纪政治思想的主流学说,到早期现代受到全面颠覆。政治社会被理解为人为脱离自然状态而通过社会契约建构而成的人造物。李猛的《自然社会》一书是对上述问题的系统讨论。该书不乏有创造性综合的见解。但本文侧重于指出其中的几点不足,包括未能发现古罗马人的自由概念与主体权利概念之间的相似之处,以及未能发现平等而不是权利对现代观念的构成性影响等等。笔者以为造成这些缺陷原因在于李猛放弃了他擅长的社会理论方法,而纯粹从观念史的角度来思考伦理和政治问题。     

Sculpted landscapes: art & place in Cleveland's Cultural Gardens, 1916-2006

Perhaps the world's first peace garden, the Cleveland Cultural Gardens embody the history of twentieth-century America and reveal the complex interrelations between art and place. This essay uses the Cleveland Cultural Gardens as a lens through which to explore how art and place have intersected over time. It explores how communities have negotiated questions of national, ethnic, and American identity and embedded those identities into the vernacular landscape. It considers how the particulars of place were embedded into a public garden and asks whether it is possible for public art to transcend its place—both in terms of geography and history. In some sense, the Gardens have transcended their place, but in others respects, their fortunes were bound inextricably to that place, to the economic, demographic, and cultural contours that shaped and reshaped Northern Ohio. As works of art, the Cleveland Cultural Gardens both have reflected the history of Cleveland and American industrial cities during the 20th century and revealed something of the dynamics that underscored the changing character of public art and gardens in American cities.     

The Timing of Presidential Cinema*

Objective. Researchers have examined the social meaning of political cinema; however, little research places film into its contemporary political and economic context. Therefore, I examine the timing of the production and release of presidential cinema. Methods. The data are comprised of major motion picture releases from the years 1953–2004 that include a U.S. president as a character. Regression analysis is used to determine how the temporal release of movies featuring a president corresponds to social realities. Results. I find that the release of presidential cinema is correlated with the party that controls the actual White House and with the number of consecutive terms that the same party has been in the White House. More films with presidents are released during Democratic administrations than during Republican administrations and more films with presidents are released during first rather than second terms. This appears more acute during presidential election years. The state of the national economy affects the release of presidential cinema as well. Strong economies lead to the release of more films with presidents. Conclusions. This suggests that popular film content is affected not only by filmmaker whim and creativity, but also by measurable contemporary political and economic conditions. Future studies investigating film content should account for how national trends affect popular entertainment.     

赵树理的创作生涯与社会政治学模式

历来的赵树理研究,均未能从一个时代文艺模式的兴起与衰落上,来说明赵树理的创作生涯。赵树理的作品和他本人的经历,对于社会政治学模式来说,其实是一个相当典型的例子。赵树理本与民间文艺有深厚的联系,有长期运用民间形式写作的经历。赵树理的小说确实可以看作是雅俗交汇的产物。赵树理是当时新文艺方向的代表。当他上升为整个文艺界学习的榜样时,并且要求他的创作符合于某种文艺理论的全面要求时,赵树理就难以适应新形势对他的要求了。一方面赵树理确应提高一步,提高其作品的概括性,但另一方面社会政治学模式所要求的典型形象中有着一种观念化的设定,这同赵树理向着实际的、易于吸纳事物复杂性的眼光,又难以协调。还有一个矛盾,即提高艺术水平的问题。赵树理主要是在一种民间大众文艺环境中发展起来的,他所熟悉的是如何适合群众的阅读欣赏习惯来写作的。赵树理遇到此种历史的尴尬,就其实质而言,反映了大众化文艺运动在走向全国后所面临的发展困难。社会政治学模式的观念设定,连像赵树理这样曾在为政治作宣传上获得一片喝彩的作家都难以适应了。与农民自在的文艺有着血缘联系的赵树理,要成为一个大作家,他应在思想的深刻性及艺术表现的多样性、丰富性上,有一个重大的发展,并愈益具有世界性的艺术眼光才行。赵树理虽集雅俗于一身,却是俗多于雅,因而他应向着雅的方向有一个更大的提升。他的创作存在三个缺点:一是"重事轻人",二是"旧的多新的少",即"写旧人旧事容易生活化,但写新人新事有些免不了概念化",三是"在一个作品中按常规应出现的人和事,本该是应有尽有",但因求速效,而将作品中应该有脑子里却没有的人和事省略了,"结果成了有多少写多少"。对这三个缺点的认识,表明赵树理对于他50年代初强调的"赶任务"写作的主张有了理性上的否定。赵树理的颓势是显然的:一是他的写实作风难以适应社会政治学模式,二是他的艺术上的危机也日益严重。赵树理经历了从社会政治学模式确立到衰亡的全过程。     

从三重功能到二元联盟:杜梅齐尔印欧文明研究中的政治发生学思考

基于社会学化的比较神话学研究，杜梅齐尔提出了由社会三重功能来形构理想的完整社会乃印欧文明所共有的意识形态的看法，这是从二元联盟的等级性团结中产生的一种政治观。通过承继莫斯与葛兰言的理论关怀，杜梅齐尔考察了印欧文明的等级构成与君权运作的社会学原理，并将联盟这一概念运用到国家内部的组织结构与运作逻辑的考察分析中。杜梅齐尔的政治发生学研究不仅改变了古典学以印欧世界的城邦制度与神圣王权为理论基点之人文探讨的视野，也拓展了人类学以土著社会的联盟组织和头人制度为问题核心的经验考察范围，为现代社会科学搭建起了一条贯通部落组织、古典国家与现代政治的比较研究路径。对于当代人文社会科学的中国研究而言，这种穿透性的考察极富启发性。     

试论孙中山政治思想中的理性主义

孙中山政治思想中具有强烈的理性主义色彩。理性主义深深影响了孙中山的政治哲学、政治制度设计和政治人格。就政治哲学而言,由于受理性主义的影响,孙中山有强烈的社会目的论倾向,坚信政治中存在着公理,崇尚精英政治和圣贤政治,这就导致了其机械的历史进步观和社会本位主义。就政治制度设计而言,受理性主义思想支配,孙中山无视政治制度运行中所需的大量经验和复杂情况,把政治制度看作是天才者的发明设计。就政治人格而言,理性主义膨胀了孙中山的个人救世主思想,造就了其独特人格。然而,理性主义虽有理论上的一致性,在现实中却显得苍白无力。     

The science of republicanism: Hobbes and Publius

Sheldon S. Wolin in “Hobbes and the Culture of Despotism,” asks a most important question: “is there a political element embedded in the social representation of scientific knowledge, such that to think in certain representational terms is to re-describe certain political postures, depending on the political character of the representations?” (1961). In this paper I examine this observation and outline the sense in which the scientific enterprise influences both Hobbes and Publius and how Hobbes is a stepping stone for Publius in the construction of a commercially grounded, constitutionally based republican system.     

The awakening of the sleeping giant? An examination of the role of Ethnicity in the 2006 immigrant rights protests

Since the 1960s many have referred to the Latino community in the U.S. as a “Sleeping Giant.” Recent events including the 2012 presidential election demonstrate that Hispanics are engaged in social and political activism and we posit that this activism can be traced back to the 2006 immigrant rights demonstrations. However, this activism has yielded little success in terms of policy change. Using survey data gathered during a symposium on political activism and civic engagement in the Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex we employ regression models to examine the factors that influence the perceptions of Latino political activism and its impact. Our results demonstrate that ethnicity played a key role in how the marches were perceived. Further, we find that different variables drive perceptions about the marches for Hispanics and Caucasians, respectively. We conclude the study by discussing the impact of ethnicity in perceptions of political activism.     

Social Policy's ‘Greatest Hits’

The ‘age of metrics’ or ‘the metric tide’ in the form of bibliometrics has largely by‐passed Social Policy. This study aims to broaden the focus from the most cited articles in Social Policy journals to discover the most cited works in Social Policy or ‘Social Policy's Greatest Hits’. It finds some 24 works with over 2000 Google Scholar citations, but only nine of these are by social policy writers. In terms of total citations, Gosta Esping‐Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism is the clear leader by a significant margin, with the most cited Social Policy (or Social Administration) writers being Peter Townsend, Richard Titmuss, Ruth Lister and Jane Lewis. In addition to total citations, it presents citations per year, and ‘Social Policy citations’ (i.e. the use made of the work within the discipline of Social Policy). This list is headed by Gosta Esping‐Andersen and Paul Pierson, with the leading social policy writer being Jane Lewis. This article presents a set of the ‘most plausible contenders’ for the works with greatest influence within Social Policy or ‘Social Policy's Greatest Hits’. It is concluded that, even with its flaws, bibliometrics is an important approach to exploring the vast field of Social Policy.     

Need, allocation and justice — on priorities in the social services

Cuts in public spending and financial constraints faced by Swedish municipalities have led to an increased interest in issues concerning priorities. This interest reflects a practical need to meet current rationing with accurate allocative decisions, where the interests of different areas and categories of users are dealt with in a well-considered way. In social work, these needs today are obvious. The article raises issues concerning priorities with relevance for social work in the Swedish social services. The purpose is to develop a conceptual and theoretical framework regarding how priorities on different levels of decision-making are made, where the main focus is on different principles as grounds for and forms of prioritizing. Central are the following questions: What actors can be identified in the process of shaping priorities in social work? What are the principles behind allocative decisions made on different levels of the municipal organization? Which categories of potential and actual users gain advantages or suffer disadvantages from different allocative principles? A theoretical division into first- and second-order decisions and of allocations from notions of efficiency, justice and self-interest offer the main structure for the article. First-order decisions are political decision-making concerning the total amount of resources distributed to various sectors or programs. Second-order decisions deal with the issue of how to allocate given resources among claimants or possible users. Efficiency is discussed from the aspects of productivity, marginal utility and longterm effects. Material principles of justice dealt with are the principles of need, increment, contribution and merit. Self-interest is discussed in terms of self-serving bias, group-oriented interests and professional gain.     

冲突律及冲突缺失与对策——兼论国产电影电视剧现实题材作品的创作

没有冲突就没有戏剧,这是颠扑不破的艺术规律。近年来国产电影电视剧现实题材影视作品创作量趋于减少,作品中明显出现冲突缺失的现象,收视率降低,艺术水准提升缓慢,难以与国际化的电影电视剧市场接轨并形成良性竞争。这种局面的形成有多方面因素,主要是出于政治与商业风险考虑过多,深层原因是影视管理层和观众层"文以载道"思想仍然根深蒂固,影视艺术尚未实现纯粹娱乐性功能。     

“党派实在论”的结构诠释学

如果政治宣传,意识形态以及党派性等概念真的从这些概念本身的内涵来界定自身,那么,在追逐某个政治议程时,这些概念由于存在明显的偏见,从而会导致自相驳斥的结果。因此,毫不奇怪,这些沟通类型的显明特征之一就是宣称它们在精准和公平地再现实在,并且否认存在政治偏见的丑恶内涵。笔者称这种类型为“党派实在论”,即被政治驱动的媒体演出,它们象征性地把自己呈现为是在实在论类型下运作的。本文的问题是,党派性媒体报导是如何在追逐自身的政治议程的同时创造出一种中立且无偏见的实在论表象的。为此,本文借用文化社会学的结构诠释学方法,以“奥莱利实情”这档非常流行的美国电视新闻节目作为党派实在论的分析案例。本文认为,“奥莱利实情”是通过如下几个范畴来生产一种用以诠释新闻的“党派实在论”框架的：主持人形象建构、围绕二元对立符码形成复杂的潜在意义结构,以及一套精致奥妙的修辞技巧。虽然这档节目自诩是一扇投射现实的简单窗户,但事实上,它启用一套精妙的党派文化系统来确证观众通过这扇明显中立的窗户所看到的东西能够支持节目制作人的政治利益。为了让新闻呈现在一定程度上暗合各种党派结论但又看起来依然是实在论,而非充斥着偏见,节目的每个情节和片段都依据一个意义结构来搭建问题。这个意义结构虽然具有强烈的党派结论导向性,但又能给人一种对各方观点都进行过理性思考的外表。本文认为,这种针对意义结构的深度分析对于理解作为政治沟通类型的“党派实在论”具有重要意义。     

网络极端情绪人群的类型及其政治与社会意涵——基于中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的实证研究

本文以社会化媒体的用户为中心,以用户的网络极端情绪表达为切入点,考察中国社会化媒体空间中的群体类型,并探讨各群体的客观背景特征,以及各群体的政治态度和网络表达行动。对中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的潜类分析表明,我们可以根据微博用户表达的极端情绪将其划分为“酱油众”“冷漠族”“铁血爱国派”“愤世嫉俗派”和“民粹主义者”五类群体。其中,“民粹主义者”具有一定的“草根左派”色彩,“铁血爱国派”具有某种“亲体制左派”的色彩,“冷漠族”则倾向于“温和右派”,“愤世嫉俗派”倾向于“激进右派”。就政治态度而言,“愤世嫉俗派”对体制的态度最为负面,“民粹主义者”对政府的信任度最低,而“铁血爱国派”对体制的态度最为正面,对政府的信任度最高。就网络行动而言,“民粹主义者”使用网络暴力和参与在线抗议的可能性都最高,其次是“愤世嫉俗派”和“铁血爱国派”。文章最后指出,对互联网用户极端情绪的研究是理解中国网络社会的重要窗口。     

THE ELUSIVE QUEST FOR ‘THOSE MOST IN NEED’

It seems plausible to argue that scarce resources such as social security payments should be targeted to those most in need, and that income should play a large role in defining need. Even though some aspects of targeting, such as whether to have tapered means tests or not, are obviously political in nature, it may appear that at least the identification of ‘those most in need’ in terms of income is largely a technical exercise. The argument of this article is that even the measurement of income is only partly a technical exercise.¹ It is also a highly problematic and political one that will always lead to understandable resentment on the part of the ‘nearly poor’, that is, those who are excluded by policy decisions regarding components of the scale by which income is assessed. We illustrate this with an example of a hypothetical family payment where those who are classified as ‘poor’ and ‘nearly poor’ on one income-scale are classified otherwise on a plausible alternative scale. It does not follow that targeting of payments on the basis of income should be abandoned. But it does suggest that all targeting should be recognised for the blunt political instrument that it is, and that its status as a precise technical tool for achieving greater efficiency be regarded with less confidence than is currently fashionable.     

“把革命带回来”:社会学新视野的拓展

本文在韦伯和陈寅恪等人的启发下,提出了关于中国革命的社会学研究的问题意识、分析框架和基本方法,试图将“革命”这个社会学的经典母题重新带回到中国社会学界,以此拓展社会学研究的新视野。这种新的研究路数尝试围绕阶级路线、民主集中制和群众路线等重点,在借鉴实证史学资料收集法的基础上,运用“社会学的想象力”和事件社会学的方式来深入理解中国共产党在革命时期建立起来的独特的政治文化及其所产生的复杂而深远的历史效果。     

The Myth of “Security Moms” and “NASCAR Dads”: Parenthood,Political Stereotypes,and the 2004 Election*

Objective. The objective of this article is to explore the impact of being a parent on political views and to test the accuracy of the “Security Mom” and “NASCAR Dad” labels that were pervasively applied in the context of the 2004 presidential election. Methods. The methods we employed consist of using data primarily from the 2004 National Election Study to determine whether parents differ from nonparents in terms of their political attitudes on a wide range of issues. We argue that parenthood affects women and men differently, so we analyze the sexes separately. Results. Mothers have important political distinctions from women without children, mostly in the case of social welfare issues. They do not, however, appear to be “Security Moms” in the post‐9/11 world. As for fathers, for the most part it makes little sense to talk about dads as a distinct voting bloc, as in very few cases do their political attitudes differ from men without children. Conclusions. The media's use of the labels “NASCAR Dad” and Security Mom” promoted an inaccurate understanding of the political preferences of parents. Beyond debunking these media myths, our results provide one of the first comprehensive looks at the impact of parenthood on political attitudes, an overlooked area in the adult socialization literature.     

小说中的南京大屠杀与民族国家观念表达（英文）

“南京大屠杀”是中外战争史上骇人听闻的暴虐事件,诸多作家以小说的形式对之进行了书写。然而,目前关于南京大屠杀的文学研究却相当薄弱,还停留在单个作品分析的阶段。因此,有必要从民族国家观念出发,对中外小说中的南京大屠杀进行整体研究。中国作家、日本作家、华裔和西方作家以不同的话语立场参与了南京大屠杀的讲述,他们对日军暴行的解读或侧重“大屠杀”,或侧重“强奸”;在写法上则有“将军写法”和“士兵写法”两种。中国作家把大屠杀当作中国人的劫难和抗争来叙述,在观念上存在整体民族主义和阶级、政党民族主义的区分;日本人的小说既包含真实呈现和历史反省的成分,又对中华民族进行精神虐杀;美籍华人和西方作家的小说充盈着宗教情怀和对人性、生命的反思,但受制于西方中心主义,把大屠杀演绎成西方拯救中国的故事。近年来,为秦淮河妓女立传、为外国传教士大唱赞歌的故事模式,引领了南京大屠杀叙事的潮流,值得我们注意和反思。     

More of a Bridge than a Gap: Gender Differences in Arab‐American Political Engagement*

Objective. Research on immigrant women's economic and cultural adaptation has increasingly come to the fore of immigration research, yet relatively little remains known about their engagement in the political arena. This study examines this question among Arab Muslims, a group that has been at the center of much public debate but little scholarly discourse. Methods. Using nationally representative data on Arab Muslims, this study examines gender differences in political consciousness and activity and assesses the degree to which different dimensions of religious identity contribute to differences in men's and women's attitudes and behaviors. Results. Both women and men have high levels of political engagement, in part reflecting their relatively affluent socioeconomic positions. Men are slightly more involved than women, and this is explained by their greater participation in religious activities and higher levels of political religiosity. In contrast, subjective dimensions of religiosity—or being a devout Muslim—have no effect on political engagement. Conclusions. Overall, there are few gender differences in Arab Muslim political engagement, suggesting that collective identity based on ethnicity and religion is more salient for the political mobilization of this group. Further, religion is not uniformly associated with political activity, varying by gender and the dimension of religious identity in question, suggesting that future research needs to focus on how different facets of religion influence U.S. political involvement.