Accounting for income distribution trends: A density function decomposition approach

This paper develops methods for decomposing changes in the income distribution using subgroup decompositions of the income density function. Overall changes are related to changes in subgroup shares and changes in subgroup densities, where the latter are broken down further using elementary transformations of individual incomes. These density decompositions are analogous to the widely-used decompositions of inequality indices by population subgroup, except that they summarize multiple features of the income distribution (using graphs), rather than focusing on a specific feature such as dispersion, and are not dependent on the choice of a specific summary index. Nonetheless, since inequality and poverty indices can be expressed as PDF functionals, our density-based methods can also be used to provide numerical decompositions of these. An application of the methods reveals the multi-faceted nature of UK income distribution trends during the 1980s.     

On the generalization and decomposition of the Bonferroni index

A simple algorithm is proposed which defines the Bonferroni as the product of a row vector of individual population shares, a linear mathematical operator called the Bonferroni matrix and a column vector of income shares. This algorithm greatly simplifies the decomposition of the Bonferroni index by income sources or classes and population subgroups. The proposed algorithm links also the Bonferroni index to the concepts of relative deprivation and social welfare and leads to a generalization where the traditional Bonferroni and Gini indices are special cases. The paper ends with an empirical illustration based on EU-SILC data for the year 2008.     

The effect on inequality of changing one or two incomes

We examine the effect on inequality of increasing one income, and show that for two wide classes of indices a benchmark income level or position exists, dividing upper from lower incomes, such that if a lower income is raised, inequality falls, and if an upper income is raised, inequality rises. We provide a condition on the inequality orderings implicit in two inequality indices under which the one has a lower benchmark than the other for all unequal income distributions. We go on to examine the effect on the same indices of simultaneously increasing one income and decreasing another higher up the distribution, deriving results which quantify the extent of the ‘bucket leak’ which can be tolerated without negating the beneficial inequality effect of the transfer. Our results have implications for the inequality and poverty impacts of different income growth patterns, and of redistributive programmes, leaky or not, which are briefly discussed.     

Multidimensional poverty indices

This paper explores the axiomatic foundation of multidimensional poverty indices. Departing from the income approach which measures poverty by aggregating shortfalls of incomes from a pre-determined poverty-line income, a multidimensional index is a numerical representation of shortfalls of basic needs from some pre-specified minimum levels. The class of subgroup consistent poverty indices introduced by Foster and Shorrocks (1991) is generalized to the multidimensional context. New concepts necessary for the design of distribution-sensitive multidimensional poverty measures are introduced. Specific classes of subgroup consistent multidimensional poverty measures are derived based on sets of reasonable axioms. This paper also highlights the fact that domain restrictions may have a critical role in the design of multidimensional indices. Received: 1 March 1999/Accepted: 1 August 2000     

An Ex-Post View of Inequality of Opportunity in France and its Regions

This paper proposes an ex-post measure of inequality of opportunity in France and its regions by assessing the inequality between individuals exerting the same effort. To this end, we define a fair income that fulfils ex-post equality of opportunity requirements. Unfairness is measured by an unfair Gini based on the distance between the actual income and the fair income. Our findings reveal that the measures of ex-post inequality of opportunity largely vary across regions, and that this is due to differences in reward schemes and in the impact of the non responsibility factors of income. We find that most regions have actual incomes closer to fair incomes than to average income, excepted Ile de France where the actual income looks poorly related to effort variables. Finally, we find that income inequality and inequality of opportunity are positively correlated among regions.     

The Native‐Immigrant Income Gap among the Self‐Employed in Sweden

During recent years we have observed that non‐western immigrants are overrepresented among the self‐employed in Sweden. A reason for this might be the difficulties faced by immigrants in the labour market. The unemployment rate among non‐western immigrants in Sweden is higher than among natives with similar human capital characteristics. While this is a well‐established result, we do not know much about how self‐employed immigrants perform economically compared to their native counterparts. The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyse the incomes of self‐employed immigrants and natives in Sweden. We will also discuss possible explanations for the income gap we find. We use Swedish register data for the period 1998 to 2002 and the population studied consists of individuals who have been continuously self‐employed during this period. By performing the analysis on this group of self‐employed we get a measure of the difference among the long‐term self‐employed. The outcome of interest is the average income over the period. Income regressions are estimated using both OLS and quantile regressions. We find that self‐employed immigrants receive significantly lower incomes than their native counterparts when controlling for individual characteristics, industry and start‐up year of the firm. The income gap is larger for non‐western immigrants than for western immigrants. Quantile regressions show that the native‐immigrant income gap is smaller at the top than at the bottom of the income distribution. Several possible explanations for the native‐immigrant income gap are discussed. One possible explanation is that immigrants have a lower reservation wage and accepts staying in business receiving a lower income than comparable natives. Another explanation might be that there is discrimination against self‐employed immigrants that will lead to lower incomes. There can be consumer discrimination or discrimination from banks and real estate owners.     

State and Local Taxation of the Elderly

Using data from Massachusetts, this paper explores the impact of state and local taxes on the elderly. The combined tax burden from the state personal income and sales taxes and the local property tax are, on average, higher for the elderly than the nonelderly only for those with total incomes under $10,000 and over $75,000. High tax burdens on low-income elderly are primarily attributable to the property tax faced by homeowners. High-income elderly face high burdens because the state income tax rate on capital income is higher than the rate on earned income. Evidence suggests that public policies to reduce the property tax burdens on elderly homeowners have been largely ineffective.     

Ist mein Einkommen gerecht?

Based on the “Status-Value-Theory”, “A New Theory of Distributive Justice” and the exchange theories it can be concluded that individuals evaluate their own income as being just or unjust according to the average reference incomes, income inequality and their social position within an income hierarchy. In order to analyze this issue, a web-based survey with an integrated experimental set-up was carried out in the beginning of 2012. The analysis of the experimental data of 906 participants shows that the respondents based their income justice evaluations on average incomes of people with same professional qualifications and supports the “Status-Value-Theory”. Evidence for the impact of the income distribution among the reference group on justice evaluations, as stated by “A New Theory of Distributive Justice”, could only be found for respondents ranked at the lower end of the income scale. A similar pattern could be found for the effect of a respondent’s social position on his or her income justice evaluations that was expected on the basis of the exchange theories. The social position affects the income justice evaluations only in case that incomes are sufficiently unequally distributed. This article may also be of interest to readers who are rather interested in methodological issues than in the topic of income justice. The stimuli used in this study were designed by taking into account the information provided by the respondents (dynamic stimuli).     

Attitude towards a redistribution of income

This article reports on some data from a pilot study which surveyed the attitude of the active male Flemish population towards a redistribution of income. A simple linear regression model based upon the average ratings of actual and fair incomes of twelve occupations is presented. The model allows to calculate for each subject how much redistribution he favors, the extent to which he wants to alter the income structure, and the reference point he uses to determine which incomes have to moderate and which have not to. Some results are presented and discussed. Subjects tend to favor some degree of income leveling, however without affecting the income structure.     

Distribution, Inequality and Concentration of Incomeamong Older Immigrants in Canada

While there are many studies on differences in earnings between immigrants and the native‐born or among immigrant groups, they do not consider distribution and concentration of income among immigrants explicitly. These aspects are important for understanding the distribution of economic welfare and consumer behaviour among members and hence are policy relevant. Using the 1991 Census data, the distribution and concentration of incomehave been examined among 15 broad birthplace groups for population aged55 years and over. About 19 per cent of males and 15 per cent of femalesreceive less than half the median income and obtain 5 per cent and 3 per centof the aggregate income respectively. About 30 per cent of males and29 per cent of females receive more than one and half times the medianincome and obtain 61 per cent and 59 per cent of aggregate incomerespectively. About 51 per cent of males and 56 per cent of females whoreceive incomes between half and one and half times the median income aretermed middle‐class and their shares of aggregate income amount to 34 and38 per cent respectively. Although older immigrants aged 55 years and over, as a group, have roughlythe same quartile distribution and concentration of income as theirCanadian‐born counterparts, the birthplace groups differ considerably.Those from the developing regions, that is, the groups that have loweraverage annual incomes, also have more inequitable distribution of incomethan the Canadian‐born or their counterparts from the developed regions. Thus, income distribution is more polarized in populations from developingregions than in populations from developed regions or in the Canadian‐bornpopulation. On average, females receive 45 per cent less income than males, and thereis less polarization of income among them than among males regardless ofthe place of birth. A part of the explanation lies in the receipt of government transfers, whichtend to equalize rather than polarize incomes, and older women derive ahigher proportion of their income from government transfers than older men.     

Influence of Income on Energy Beliefs and Behaviors of Urban Elderly

Although public attention toward residential energy costs has diminished in the past few years, meeting energy costs remains a concern for the elderly population. The impact of income on energy beliefs and behaviors of urban elderly indicate that lower income elderly may be adversely affected by residential energy costs. The results of this study indicate that urban elderly with lower incomes engage in more lifestyle cutbacks and curtailment behaviors than do those with higher incomes. This research emphasizes the need to investigate energy policies that target low income elderly.     

Do Minimum Wages Fight Poverty?

We present evidence on the effects of minimum wages on family incomes. The results indicate that minimum wages increase both the probability that poor families escape poverty and the probability that previously nonpoor families fall into poverty. The estimated increase in the flow into poverty is larger, although this difference is not statistically significant. We also find that minimum wages tend to boost the incomes of poor families that remain below the poverty line. On net, the various trade-offs created by minimum wage increases more closely resemble income redistribution among low-income families than income redistribution from high- to low-income families.     

A living wage for former welfare recipients entering employment: The case of Butler County,Ohio

Since the late 1970s, changes in family income in the United States have varied by income category. While the average income of families with children in the top 20% of the income distribution has grown, the average income of families with children in the bottom 20% has declined. Factors contributing to the growing income gap include disparities in wages paid to low-income workers relative to high-income workers, an increase in female-headed single parent families, and a decrease in the value of the minimum wage. Welfare reform will likely only exacerbate this situation. This study synthesizes existing research as well as data from an Ohio county to demonstrate that the minimum wage incomes available to poor families are not sufficient for even basic necessities. In order for former AFDC recipients to become economically independent, government policies must be enacted to increase wages and/or provide income assistance for poor families.     

Marital Quality and Income: An Examination of the Influence of Government Assistance

Using data from a random telephone statewide survey in Utah, the associations between income, government assistance and six dimensions of marital quality were explored with a sample of 295 married individuals with incomes below $40,000. Results indicate that income has a main effect on negative interaction and feeling trapped. An interaction of government assistance and income on two dimensions of marital quality was found. Individuals that experienced the combination of earning less than $20,000 per year while receiving government assistance had significantly lower levels of overall marital satisfaction and commitment than individuals receiving government assistance with higher incomes and individuals who have never received government assistance. Implications and possible explanations are discussed.     

THE LIFE-CYCLE LABOR SUPPLY OF MARRIED WOMEN AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR HOUSEHOLD INCOME INEQUALITY

In a life-cycle model of married womens' labor supply the husband's expected lifetime income should have a greater effect on his wife's labor supply than should his current income. Using the Panel Study of Income Dynamics data, the husband's average lifetime income (over the panel years) does have a greater negative income effect than current income. However, this income effect has declined over time: the labor supply of wives is becoming less sensitive to their husbands' incomes. This declining elasticity would cause household income inequality to worsen over time, but has been offset by other factors.     

Immigrant groups’ income inequality within and across Italian regions

The relationship between Italian regional income inequality and the phenomenon of migration is still under current debate. Policymakers and researchers worry about the process of assimilation of the new entrants, in a country where regional disparities are strong. We provide evidence that regional income disparities apply to groups of immigrants as well as of nationals, but the most important source of inequality rests on within-immigrant group/within-region, especially for those households with the presence of women and very young children. However, if bottom incomes were to grow, inequality would not diminish, with the exception of married individuals living in the North, for no other characteristic is correlated to inequality according to the Atkinson bottom sensitive index. We show that the uneven economic development across regions then influences the distribution of immigration both in sociodemographic and economic terms.     

A Diverging Trend in Marital Dissolution by Income Status

Was the divorce plateau of the 1980s experienced by people of all incomes? Using the 2001 and 2004 Survey of Income and Program Participation, this study (N = 13,131) examined if there was a significant income class difference in marital dissolution within 10 years of first marriage and if this difference increased from the late 1970s to the early 1990s. The findings indicated that there was a significant income class difference in marital dissolution and that the difference was growing during the study period. Whereas the dissolution rates of higher income women had gone down, the rates for women with the lowest incomes had significantly increased, especially for Black women after the 1980s, indicating a diverging trend in marital dissolution by income status.     

Household Income and Trajectories of Marital Satisfaction in Early Marriage

Are the marriages of lower income couples less satisfying than the marriages of more affluent couples? To address this question, we compared trajectories of marital satisfaction among couples with a wide range of household incomes. The marital satisfaction of 862 Black, White, and Latino newlywed spouses (N = 431 couples) was assessed five times, each 9 months apart, during the first 4 years of marriage. Lower income couples did not have less satisfying marriages on average, nor did their satisfaction decline more steeply on average. They did, however, experience (a) significantly greater fluctuations in marital satisfaction across assessments and (b) significantly more variability between husbands and wives. If efforts to support the marriages of low‐income couples are to address the unique characteristics of their marital development, these findings suggest that efforts to stabilize their marriages may be more effective than efforts to improve their satisfaction alone.     

Social welfare functions with a reference income

A foundation of social welfare functions is considered with a given reference income (or utility): relative and absolute invariance of the underlying welfare ordering are defined to hold for societies with either all members having incomes below the reference income or all members having incomes above the reference income. These conditions, alongside standard properties of a social preference relation, provide reference income dependent extensions of traditional classes of welfare functions. Dalton’s principle of positive transfers is incorporated, under which relative invariance leads to a class of piecewise (rank-)linear welfare functions, including the class of generalized Gini social welfare functions as a special case. To ensure quasi-concavity a new preference condition is proposed, which has the interpretation of aversion to income dropping below the reference income.     

The gender gap in teenagers’ incomes. A 30-year trend in Finland 1983–2013

In this article, we examine the gender differences in disposable incomes of teenagers during a 30-year period 1983–2013, using large nationally representative survey data. Since the gender pay gap in working life has been rather persistent in Finland and the EU, it was necessary to see whether the gap persists in teenagers’ incomes as well. Although teenagers do not receive much income from work, they adapt to the structures of society during their teenage years and learn gender roles in consumption, education, and working life. Our results reveal that the gender pay gap has been rather persistent in Finland, particularly among 14- and 16-year-old teenagers. It is only among 18-year-olds that the gender difference in income has narrowed. There were interactions between gender and socio-economic indicators such as the father's education and family's place of residence. The persistent gender pay gap cannot be explained solely by wage differences in any age group, because full-time work of teenagers is nowadays very rare, and in Finland they do not work very much even part-time. Although it is rather obvious that boys get higher incomes than girls from external work, the allocation of money by parents seems to be unequal, too.