Towards a better understanding of welfare policy development in developing nations: a case study of South Korea's pension system

This study examines the developmental trajectory of South Korea's public pension programme from 1973 to 1999. Its theoretical aim is to use the South Korean case to verify the partial relevance of existing welfare state theories and to develop a more incorporated theoretical framework in which the evolution of welfare in nations other than affluent Western democracies can be understood. For this purpose, the South Korean case holds a unique strategic advantage as a result of the significant democratisation of the political regime that has taken place. South Korea additionally possesses several qualities usually considered critical for the development of a welfare state, such as economic development, expansion of civil society and globalisation.     

一种“国际政治-国内政治”关联的分析框架——基于韩国政治发展的研究

韩国在政治发展的道路上,有两条路径贯穿始终:一条是通过移植西方民主制来推动整个社会的民主化；另一条是威权政府通过政治自由化来缓解国家所承受的国际和国内压力.本文旨在运用“国际政治-国内政治”的分析范式,对影响韩国政治发展中的国际和国内因素进行综合分析,并构建“国际-国内”关联的分析框架.本文认为,国内政治是国际体系中的国内政治,一国的政治发展是国际和国内两个层次互动的结果,必须把国际因素与国内因素的互动视为一种循环往复的过程,并置于国际体系背景下进行全面审视.     

Comparative Political Economy of Long‐Term Care for Elderly People: Political Logic of Universalistic Social Care Policy Development

Despite there being common socio‐demographic pressures across advanced industrialized countries, the public elder care programmes therein tend to vary. While the current literature on social care devotes itself to describing the care arrangements of each country and pigeonholing welfare/gender regime types, it does not sufficiently address this empirical puzzle. This study looks to specify the causal relationship between political institutions and public long‐term care programmes. It argues that countries with personal‐vote‐oriented electoral systems and/or fragmented party systems have difficulties in developing universalistic public elder care programmes, whereas countries with party‐vote‐oriented electoral systems and cohesive party systems are likely to develop generous elder care programmes. For whilst the former types of political institutions prioritize patronage‐based, particularistic benefits, the latter types encourage political actors to appeal to broader constituencies through universalistic welfare programmes. This study tests this claim by examining pooled time‐series and cross‐section data of advanced democracies, from 1980 until 2001. The empirical results suggest that politicians' reliance on personal votes and the fragmentation of ruling coalitions impede the expansion of public spending for elder care.     

Effectiveness of Social Welfare Programmes in East Asia: A Case Study of Taiwan

Using the 2008 Family Income and Expenditure Survey, this study examined the effectiveness of social welfare programmes in Taiwan. The empirical evidence shows that most types of social welfare spending were limited in 2008. However, the social welfare programmes that were in place substantially reduced income inequality in Taiwan. Using the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) poverty threshold, the results reveal that 14 per cent of the sample's families were poor in terms of market income, but this figure decreased to 7 per cent after government intervention. Income inequality in Taiwan was similar to that of other East Asian countries such as Japan and South Korea, but Taiwan spent much less money on social welfare programmes than OECD countries, and therefore Taiwan's reduction of poverty was much lower as well.     

Relationships among financial satisfaction,life satisfaction,and political action: A comparative study of the United States and South Korea

This study explores the potential impact of cultural orientation on the relationship between financial satisfaction, life satisfaction, and political action within the United States and South Korea. The total sample size was 3,432 individuals (United States = 2,232, South Korea = 1,200). 1 confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) model and a path analysis model were assessed using a maximum likelihood estimation. The findings showed a strong positive relationship between financial satisfaction and life satisfaction in both countries. Also, in both countries, more progressive individuals participated in more political actions. When exploring political action, we find an inverse relationship—with greater political action among lower‐income individuals in the United States and greater political action among higher‐income in South Korea. In South Korea (culturally “collectivistic”), middle‐income individuals were also found to participate in political actions that likely benefit larger segments of society. From a cultural dimensions theory perspective, these data suggest political actions in the United States (classified as “individualistic”) were largely conducted by low‐income individuals, potentially as means to enhance their individual well‐being.     

Parties,Institutional Control,and Trust in Government*

Objectives. Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions. Methods. Using data collected before and after the 2002 congressional elections by the Center for Survey Research and Analysis at the University of Connecticut, we examine changes in frequency distributions and mean values for trust and institutional approval. We use multivariate regression models and a path model to estimate the causes of political trust and self‐perceived change in trust. Results. We find evidence that party control of government and party identification are important in explaining trust and institutional approval. The Republican takeover of the Senate led Republicans to evaluate the Senate more favorably and to become more trusting of the government, while having the opposite effect on Democrats. Conclusions. The changes in approval and trust resulting from the 2002 elections suggest that at least some segment of the population is cognizant of changes in the political environment and updates its views of government when the political environment changes.     

Fusion ballots as a candidate-centered reform: Evidence from Oregon

This article argues that fusion balloting, or the ability of multiple parties to nominate a single candidate for office, can be viewed as a candidate-centered and incumbent-oriented reform. Using the recent passage of fusion legislation in Oregon in 2009 and its subsequent use in 2010 state legislative elections as a test case, I study the factors behind supporting fusion legislation in both chambers of the state legislature and how these same factors affected, or did not affect, the incumbents that received cross-nominations in the 2010 elections. Overall, I find that party did not play a direct role in determining which legislators supported fusion, though female legislators were less supportive. When it came to obtaining nominations, the main finding is that incumbent candidates who voted yes to fusion were generally more likely to receive nominations. Still, legislators from the group that most opposed fusion, Democratic women, attempted to win cross-nominations once the 2010 elections approached. These findings suggest that candidate factors, more than party dictates, affected support for fusion and the ability of incumbents to receive cross-endorsements. Thus, the willingness of major-party candidates to adopt fusion can be understood through theories of candidate-centered elections and political parties.     

Changes of Electoral Politics under the Growing Wealth Gap in East Asia since the Global Financial Crisis: South Korea and China’s Taiwan in Comparison

Abstract

The economic recession caused by the global financial crisis of 2008 affected political change across the world in different ways. Economic and social problems turned into political crises in North Africa. In Europe and America, dissatisfaction over such problems caused social unrest but did not imperil the political order. In East Asia, where competitive party politics have just emerged, the financial crisis sparked a correlative political and economic reaction model involving economic recession—growing wealth gap—public policy transition in electoral politics. Major electoral campaigns over the past five years in China’s Taiwan, the Republic of Korea and other economies in East Asia indicate that prioritizing economic growth and equitable distribution are emerging to be common core issues in different parties’ electoral competition despite remnant historical questions and highly politicized issues. The new electoral politics based on public policy competition has gained greater space for development against the background of an economic recession and a growing wealth gap, and is exerting a profound influence on the political and economic development process in East Asia.     

Peaceful power transfers or successions and democratic consolidation in South Korea

This article sheds light on the positive role of power transfers or leadership successions in the democratic consolidation process in South Korea. In this study, we argue that democratic consolidation in South Korea is slowly taking place, and it is best measured by institutional rather than an individual president’s accomplishment. Therefore, democratic consolidation is not directly related to the success or failure of presidents since the transition to democracy occurred in 1987. Regardless of each president’s performance, repeated power shifts and successions through fair elections are likely to lead to the creation of a favorable political environment for democratic institutions to mature, which will support continued democratic consolidation in South Korea.     

The Effects of Candidate Gender on Campaign Spending in State Legislative Elections*

Objective. This article will investigate whether candidate gender affects levels of campaign spending in state legislative elections. Methods. The analysis compares men and women candidates running for the state legislature in 20 states over two election cycles. By controlling for a range of contextual factors, the analysis isolates the independent influence of candidate gender. Results. The findings demonstrate that women and men spend similar levels of campaign funding in running for the state legislature. Running as incumbents, challengers, or open‐seat candidates, women are not at a financial disadvantage relative to similarly situated men candidates in the general election. Conclusions. Although women may suffer difficulties at other parts of the electoral process, women are not at a disadvantage relative to men in how much money their campaigns ultimately allocate for the purposes of gaining voter support.     

Does social capital always raise life satisfaction? A comparison of South Korea and Taiwan

This study examined the relationship between social capital and life satisfaction in an Asian context, focusing on South Korea and Taiwan. We considered two components of social capital – networks and trust – and argue that the ability of social capital to increase life satisfaction depends on the context. Using the national Life and Society survey data from South Korea (N = 978) and Taiwan (N = 1,200), our analysis found that, when several control variables, such as subjective social status, self‐reported health condition, sex and belief in individualism, were considered, social capital was positively related to life satisfaction in Taiwan, while there was no significant association between social capital and life satisfaction in South Korea. The South Korean case revealed that social capital is not a good predictor of life satisfaction in a context in which being successful is overwhelmingly emphasised.     

The Role of Consultative Democracy under the Constitutional Framework and the Associated Rule of Law*

The logical sequence of China’s state governance is “governing party—consultative conferences—people’s congresses—the people.” The “governing party—consultative conferences” link in the chain involves political consultation through people’s consultative conferences. The “governing party—consultative conferences—people’s congresses” link involves a process of obtaining legitimacy for the Party’s views based on political consultations which are then translated into the national will by the system of people’s congresses. The “people’s congresses—the people” link involves the two-pronged logic of elections and governing the country according to law. The “governing party—the people” link is an illustration of the party’s mass line, which essentially involves social consultation. Consultative democracy usually includes the political consultation in the “governing party—consultative conferences” link and the social consultation in the “governing party—the people” link in the chain, both of which are connected through the system of people’s congresses. This logically determines the inner relations between the Party’s leadership, consultative democracy and the people’s congress form of representative democracy and shapes the institutionalization of consultative democracy. That is, in the process of democratic decision-making, a circular system consisting of “political consultation—legislative consultation—social consultation” is created to guide development of the actual system.     

Health Policy in the Asian NIEs

This paper compares the health policies of Hong Kong, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan with the purpose of drawing policy lessons. The study finds two distinct policy clusters: Hong Kong and Singapore on the one hand, and Korea and Taiwan on the other. With respect to provision of health care, the former rely largely on public hospitals for delivering inpatient care while the latter rely on private hospitals. In matters of financing, they are similar in that out‐of‐pocket is a major source of financing in all four countries. However, they are also different because Korea and Taiwan have universal health insurance while the city states do not. The study concludes that public provision of hospital care, as in Hong Kong and Singapore, yields more favourable outcomes than many mainstream economists would have us believe. Conversely, private provision in combination with social insurance, as found in Korea and Taiwan, severely undermines efforts to contain health care costs.     

Divergence in the development of public health insurance in Japan and the Republic of Korea: A multiple‐payer versus a single‐payer system

Japan and the Republic of Korea achieved universal health insurance coverage for their populations in 1961 and 1989, respectively. At present, Japan continues to operate a multiple‐payer social health insurance system, while the Republic of Korea has moved to an integrated single‐payer national health insurance structure. This article analyzes the influence of political economy in shaping the policy divergence found between these two Bismarckian health insurance systems. Issues addressed include differences in political power, the policy influence of business, the extent to which regional autonomy has developed and regional traits have been preserved, the level of political democratization, the form of political leadership, and the scale of development of the health insurance system. The article offers policy lessons derived from the two countries' experiences.     

Taiwanese Housing Policy Shifting the Focus of Housing Policy under a Democratic Regime

In Taiwan, home ownership has been seen as a privilege of military and civil officers since the R.O.C. government moved to Taiwan in 1949. Taiwan has become a more democratic regime since martial law was repealed in 1987 and presidential election by popular votes was initiated in 1996. Using documentary data, this paper aims to relate the transition in housing policy to Taiwan's political transition from authoritarianism to democracy. We found that after the lifting of martial law, a growing number of social movements were triggered in response to political democratization. Since then, concerns and debates have started on how to revise the housing legislation to promote the welfare and social inclusion of vulnerable groups. A new housing policy that was influenced by the advocacy efforts of an action group was developed in May 2005 to meet social needs and achieve social equity.     

The Changing Shape of Welfare Policy in Korea: Analysis of Break Point in the Welfare Budget

This paper aims to investigate the welfare policy change in South Korea. Based on punctuated equilibrium theory, I analyze kurtosis and break point of the distribution of variation in the general government welfare budget. As a result, the change in welfare budget levels in South Korea has been quite moderate. But two break points were set in 1977 and 1999. These cutoff points are related with the change of the Korean Welfare State and clearly distinguished from different times. That is, the characteristics of structure that were built during these two time periods have lasted until now. Specifically, the responsibility of state in welfare is narrow. And the feature of employment‐friendly welfare policy was formed in 1977. Also, the focus on livelihood security and employment in welfare spending was constructed in 1999. The analysis of budget is a useful tool in examining the policy change. We expect to find more specific characteristics of the Korean welfare state including special accounts and funds in future.     

Social Policies for the Elderly in the Republic of Korea and Japan: A Comparative Perspective*

The Republic of Korea (South Korea) and Japan are highly industrialized and modern nations which are both influenced by the Confucian tradition of respect for the elderly and family responsibility for the care of aging parents. In both countries the proportion of the elderly population is increasing. Japan, since the end of World War II, has utilized its government bureaucracy to help develop the social welfare system and to formulate social policies and programs for the elderly. Japan's tradition of samurai Confucianism is congruent with the commitment of the Japanese government to such social development as a matter of national policy. The Republic of Korea has not assigned a comprehensive planning role to its government bureaucracy. Lacking the mix of industrial/post-industrial infrastructure of Japan and not yet faced with the immediacy of a very large elderly population, the Republic of Korea's government has developed its social policies for the elderly in a more incremental manner, usually emphasizing small scale and piecemeal initiatives. With respect to social support, it has emphasized voluntary family efforts as congruent with the Korean (and Chinese) variant of Confucianism. This paper will compare and contrast these different approaches.     

Federal Defense Spending and Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Disparities in Economic Growth in the Southeast*

Objective. This study examines how defense spending in the 1980s and early 1990s affected economic growth in metropolitan and nonmetropolitan counties in the southeast. Methods. Using county‐level Census and other government data, the study employs a spatial lag regression model to predict how defense spending interacts with manufacturing growth to affect county economic growth during the business cycles of the 1980s and early 1990s, while controlling for other measures of regional processes. I supplement the regression analysis with brief case studies of five counties in this region. Results. The analysis shows that there is a positive interaction effect between federal defense spending and manufacturing growth on measures of income and employment growth. However, the interaction effects are much stronger and more consistent in metropolitan counties. Conclusion. As predicted, defense spending created regional variations in economic growth across the metropolitan‐nonmetropolitan divide in the southeast during the business cycles of the 1980s and early 1990s. Moreover, documented economic growth in nonmetropolitan counties is partly a function of spatial integration with metropolitan counties. The results have implications for current trends in defense spending.     

Listen to What I Say,Not How I Vote: Congressional Support for the President in Washington and at Home*

Objectives. Are legislators' party affiliations or is district partisanship the greatest predictor of legislative support of the president? Do members of the U.S. House emphasize different policy positions when casting roll calls than when communicating their positions to constituents? We theorize that party is less important in legislators' district‐oriented behavior than in roll‐call voting. When casting roll calls, legislators are agents facing multiple principals, namely, political party leaders and their district constituencies. When engaging in district‐oriented behavior, the only key principal is the legislator's constituency. Methods. We analyze legislators' positions on roll calls and in platforms. Platforms are examined with a unique data set of franked mass mailings sent by House members. Linear and limited dependent variable models are employed. Results. Our findings show that constituency preferences are a more consistent predictor of legislative support for the president when analyzing legislators' platforms, and that political party has a relatively limited effect. When analyzing roll‐call votes, party is the key predictor. Conclusions. Political parties may be interested in what legislators do as opposed to what they say. The platform findings are in contrast to most recent empirical work examining position taking, though consistent with the canonical works of Mayhew and Fenno. This has implications for theories of parties in Congress that tie party behavior in the legislature to partisanship in the electorate.