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1.
This article critiques the notion of food security through trade promoted by suprastate organizations like the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization. We use and refine the food‐regime perspective to contest this unwritten rule of the neoliberal food regime. Rather than “mutual dependency” in food between “North” and “South,” as argued by Philip McMichael, however, we show that food dependency has been stronger on basic foods in developing countries, while advanced capitalist countries' dependency has been mostly on luxury foods. Also, the more that developing countries become dependent on food imports and exports, the more they will be importing the “world food price” for the relevant commodities. Food‐price inflation will more adversely affect their working classes, which spend larger shares of their household budgets on food. Our empirical focus is on food dependency in emerging nations—Brazil, China, India, Mexico, and Turkey—in comparison with long‐standing agricultural exporting powerhouses, the United States and Canada. Using longitudinal data from FAOSTAT, we show that food security in the neoliberal food regime can best be characterized as “uneven and combined dependency.”  相似文献   

2.
In this article we examine the developmental consequences of globalization at multiple scales, using a commodity chains framework to investigate the case of the North American apparel industry. In the first section we outline the apparel commodity chain and offer a brief typology of its lead firms. In the second section we discuss the concept of industrial upgrading and describe several main export roles in the global apparel industry. In the third section we focus on the regional dynamics resulting from the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). We contrast the Mexican experience with that of countries in the Caribbean Basin to show the impact of distinct trade policies on export‐oriented development. We argue that NAFTA is creating upgrading opportunities for some Mexican firms to move from the low value‐added export‐oriented assembly (or maquila) model to full‐package production. In the fourth section we explore the unevenness of upgrading dynamics through a comparison of two blue jeans manufacturing clusters in the United States and Mexico: El Paso and Torreon. Our conclusions about upgrading and uneven development in the North American apparel industry emphasize the importance of local, national and regional institutional contexts in shaping inter‐firm networks and their development impact.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract Fair trade is typically understood as an alternative market system that aims to right historically inequitable terms of trade between the geopolitical North and South and foster more direct producer/consumer linkages. We suggest that a more expansive application of the term “fair trade” to encompass agro‐food initiatives within the North and South has considerable analytic and practical utility. We profile five such initiatives in the United States and two in Mexico. The U.S. undertakings are best understood as “proto‐” fair trade projects that frame their work principally as an effort to preserve “family farming” rather than as an exercise to achieve fairness in the marketplace. The Mexican initiatives more explicitly embrace the certification‐criteria‐labeling model of international fair trade. Both, we conclude, hold potential to harness fair trade's “moral charge” to improve conditions for small producers and laborers in North and South experiencing most directly the negative effects of economic globalization.  相似文献   

4.
Jane Dixon 《Rural sociology》1999,64(2):320-333
Abstract Chicken consumption in Australia resembles that in the U.S., but a comparison of the restructuring of poultry production in both countries shows some significant differences. This finding raises the question of what lies behind the emergence of similar consumption norms when consumption is often explained in terms of production regimes. The article explores the success of Australian producers in rejecting global free trade pressures while acquiescing to supply chain arrangements introduced by supermarkets. It describes how Australian producers have benefitted from two cultural phenomena: the arrival of Kentucky Fried Chicken and a dietary low fat regimen. It argues that an internationalized food service sector—including supermarket and fast-food chains—and western dietary advice are responsible for chicken's popularity in Australia. The theory of reflexive accumulation is used to explain the power of retailers and cultural producers in a food system increasingly dominated by “high value foods.” Further, reflexive accumulation can help to explain both the present restructuring of the Australian poultry complex and the unevenness of agri-food restructuring in general.  相似文献   

5.
The author analyzes and compares the trade situation in the European Community (EC) with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). He finds that "while both the EC and NAFTA are designed to provide trade preferences to the member countries, the two groupings differ markedly in other respects. The Treaty of Rome, establishing what is now the EC, consciously used economic means to foster political cohesion in Western Europe; whereas, the NAFTA negotiations seek free trade rather than more comprehensive economic integration precisely to minimize political content. The EC contains many social provisions absent from the NAFTA discussions, the most important of which is the right of migration from one EC country to another." The effects of NAFTA on the economy of Mexico and on Mexican migration to the United States are also assessed.  相似文献   

6.
Neoliberalism is prevalent in American life. While researchers have documented the use of neoliberal ideology in institutional and macrolevel policy contexts, they have yet to investigate how voters use neoliberal ideology to legitimate their position on economic policy. I use data from semi‐structured interviews with 85 Tucsonans about why they voted the way they did on Proposition 202 (2008): “Arizona Stop Illegal Hiring”—which sought to reregulate undocumented worker labor market access—to address this gap. I found evidence of two distinct neoliberal ideological legitimations: “fair market competition” and “individual responsibility.” Furthermore, I use these data to shed light on the debate over whether neoliberalism spans partisan affiliation or converges with American conservatism. I found that voters across party lines who supported the measure paired neoliberal legitimations with conservative legitimations. We can interpret this bipartisan use of neoliberal ideology as evidence of a neoliberal “moral economy”—or consensus about the moral principles in which market action is embedded. Evidence of this moral economy indicates that moral principles from neoliberal ideology are simultaneously bipartisan and converge with American conservatism. These findings suggest that there could be a broader moral consensus among voters concerning the legitimacy of anti‐immigration economic policies.  相似文献   

7.
From the perspective of the political economy of development, this article analyzes the role played by Mexican labor in the U.S. productive restructuring process under the aegis of the North American Free Trade Agreement. By conceptualizing the labor export–led model it dissects three basic mechanisms of regional economic integration: maquiladoras, disguised maquilas, and labor migration. Not only does this analytical framework cast light on the contributions made by Mexican migrants to the economies of the United States and Mexico, it also reveals two paradoxes: the broadening of the socioeconomic asymmetries between the two countries, and increased socioeconomic dependence on remittances in Mexico.  相似文献   

8.
In the aftermath of China's ICT-driven and mass-mediated neoliberal development, the need to reduce China's economic vulnerability to transnational market volatility and to pacify class tensions by improving social justice and redistributing social resources has become urgent. The “socialist harmonious society” concept marks a more sophisticated and socially-oriented mode of governance. By examining two state projects under the auspices of constructing a socialist harmonious society, i.e., the state-endorsed surge of charity activities and the state-subsidized increase of vocational education targeting exclusively rural migrants, this paper argues that these emerging sites of governance, often responding to and defined by China's ICT-driven and mass-mediated neoliberal development, mark the neoliberal restructuring of state activities, and that what distinguishes this new mode of governance is the neoliberal notion of redistribution, which is central to the quasi-inclusive social institutions discussed in this paper.  相似文献   

9.
"Will a North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) decrease Mexican migration to the United States, as the U.S. and Mexican governments assert, or increase migration beyond the movement that would otherwise occur, as NAFTA critics allege? This article argues that it is easy to overestimate the additional emigration from rural Mexico owing to NAFTA-related economic restructuring in Mexico. The available evidence suggests four major reasons why Mexican emigration may not increase massively, despite extensive restructuring and displacement from traditional agriculture....NAFTA-related economic displacement in Mexico may yield an initial wave of migration to test the U.S. labor market, but this migration should soon diminish if the jobs that these migrants seek shift to Mexico."  相似文献   

10.
This paper revisits the debate over the most appropriate exchange‐rate regime for low‐income countries. The debate revolves around: the effect of the exchange‐rate regime on macroeconomic management, particularly inflation; the links between the exchange‐rate regime and vulnerability to crisis (often in the form of twin banking and currency crises); and the effect on international trade and competitiveness. The theoretical and empirical literature and the views of international organisations are reviewed. It is concluded that a hard peg might constitute the most appropriate regime but this is contingent on a number of important preconditions. This view, supported by recent empirical research, is shown to be at odds with the current orthodoxy of international organisations such as the IMF.  相似文献   

11.
Cambodian, Laotian and Vietnamese refugees who have come to North American host countries via the South Asian camps have been exposed to many potentially traumatic events and have been submitted to an alienating migration process. A comprehensive analysis of their experience both in refugee camps and North American host countries is facilitated by the use of various stress theories. The stressors of change, acculturation, bereavement and trauma are identified with regard to the migration process of the Indochinese refugees as well as to the pre- and post-migration period. Some implications for practice in social, physical and mental health settings are underlined: in particular a sensitivity to the meaning of physical illness within this population, to the cultural reticence towards mental health consultation, to the possibility of longterm vulnerability to post-traumatic stress disorders and to increasing value conflicts within the family. Intervention experiences both in the South Asian refugee camps and in North American host countries suggests the importance of traditional healers and natural support networks.  相似文献   

12.
13.
Did NAFTA cause a “giant sucking sound”?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) passed Congress amidst con-tentious debate in 1993. Detractors argued that it would produce an exodus of jobs while proponents argued that it would create jobs. We examine the economic effects of NAFTA. The evidence indicates that while the employment effects have been small, NAFTA has caused an explosion of trade. This increase in exports and imports has mul-tiplied gains from trade. In addition NAFTA helped Mexico recover quickly from the 1994-1995 peso crisis and provided a political anchor for Mexico's attempts to pri-vatize, deregulate, and liberalize. The resulting growth and stability in Mexico have benefitted the U.S., which shares a 2,000 mile border with Mexico.  相似文献   

14.
15.
To the extent that social science scholarship engages real‐world developments it remains grounded and better able to resist elite agendas. With this in mind this article argues for the critical encounter with what I argue is the most significant struggle around food and agriculture today—the amorphous and broad‐based movement that strives to resist the further degradation of food environments and ensure healthy eating in society. This struggle is inevitably engaged with contemporary neoliberal agendas that have transformed and degraded food environments as they have privileged profit making over healthy diets. The article considers different sites where the struggle over healthy eating is taking place, both at the level of the state and more extensively in civil society. It considers the debate over bovine growth hormone in Canada and the wider efforts to turn around school food environments as examples of state‐centered and civil‐society struggles, respectively, that illustrate different dimensions of the healthy‐eating movement today. In each case the agendas of transnational food corporations are seen to be directly contradicting efforts to ensure healthy diets. The article considers some notable successes among advocates of healthy eating, in the United States and Canada and most notably in Britain, and examines some of the factors that may account for this success. Overall, I argue that this struggle has the potential to challenge the hegemony of neoliberal discourse in fundamental ways. The article concludes with a call for academics, and rural sociologists in particular, to give a much greater priority to healthy‐eating struggles, and considers a number of areas where academic practitioners can aid activists' efforts to resist the further degradation of diets and establish healthier food environments.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

Food sovereignty, as a movement and a set of ideas, is coming of age. Rooted in resistance to free trade and the globalizing force of neoliberalism, the concept has inspired collective action across the world. We examine what has changed since food sovereignty first emerged on the international scene and reflect on insight from new terrain where the movement has expanded. We argue that to advance the theory and practice of food sovereignty, new frameworks and analytical methods are needed to move beyond binaries—between urban and rural, gender equality and the family farm, trade and localism, and autonomy and engagement with the state. A research agenda in food sovereignty must not shy away from the rising contradictions in and challenges to the movement. The places of seeming contradiction may in fact be where the greatest insights are to be found. We suggest that by taking a relational perspective, scholars can begin to draw insight into the challenges and sticking points of food sovereignty by training their lens on shifts in the global food regime, on the efforts to construct sovereignty at multiple scales, and on the points of translation where food sovereignty is articulated through historical memory, identity, and everyday life.  相似文献   

17.
The EU’s offer of tariff‐ and quota‐free access for all exports from the Least Developed Countries (for Everything but Arms) has been welcomed as part of the WTO‐led initiative to assist these countries. But it is not without problems. As the Least Developed compete more with other developing countries than with the EU, trade is likely to be diverted from other, sometimes poorer, countries. (‘Least Developed’ is an official classification, not a neutral measure of poverty.) EBA contradicts and impedes the EU’s policies of reciprocity and promotion of regions: it not only creates an alternative trade regime, but seems unilaterally to break existing agreements. The article concludes that the policy was adopted for essentially political, not developmental, motives.  相似文献   

18.
North American Indigenous communities experience disproportionately high rates of substance use, abuse, and dependence and their accompanying consequences. This study uses group‐based trajectory modeling of past‐year substance use (alcohol, marijuana, and cigarettes) with a longitudinal sample of Indigenous adolescents from the northern Midwest and Canada (spanning ages 10–18 years). The early‐onset trajectory (36.3%) had more adverse psychosocial difficulties at baseline than the mid‐onset group (38.3%); both trajectories were associated with several negative outcomes at the end of the study. The late‐onset trajectory (25.3%) did not initiate substance use until later adolescence and had far better outcomes at the last wave of the study. Timing of onset matters. Prevention efforts should begin in late childhood and continue through mid‐adolescence.  相似文献   

19.
Mexico and Turkey are among the world's leading labor‐sending nations, with about 11 million Mexican‐born and 3.5 million Turkish‐born persons abroad in 2006. After two decades of uneven growth and job creation as well as persisting poverty and inequality, there are debates within both countries asking whether economic reforms have gone far enough to put the economy on a stable footing for sustained and equitable growth, or whether emigration (pressure) will continue. Some Mexicans are seeking to deepen North American Free Trade Agreement, while most Turks support entry into the European Union as a way of speeding economic growth.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract The exporting of organic produce from New Zealand is a response to the ongoing breakdown of Fordist regulatory measures for agriculture in destination markets. The unambiguous neoliberal revolution in New Zealand has survived only through the expansion of food exports, especially by large corporate entities and producer marketing boards. It has also rendered the country's exporters of food products particularly sensitive to the trade and agricultural policies of the United States, Japan, and the European Union. Some commentators consider New Zealand's experiment in agricultural deregulation indicative of a wider coherence in global food trade, a new stability institutionalized in the Uruguay Round of the GATT and regulated under the auspices of the World Trade Organization. The case of organic and low-input food exporting from New Zealand shows that no such ‘new times’ exist. Rather, these new types of food exporting are crisis experiments induced by green protectionism—the use of health and food safety issues as an impediment to trade. In turn, green protectionism is a direct result of the continuing breakdown of Fordist agricultural regulation in key nations: the global trade in food products remains in crisis.  相似文献   

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