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1.
In this article, I engage with Edward Said's Orientalism and various perspectives within the othering paradigm to analyze the emergence and transformation of radicalization discourses in the news media. Employing discourse analysis of 607 New York Times articles from 1969 to 2014, this article demonstrates that radicalization discourses are not new but are the result of complex sociolinguistic and historical developments that cannot be reduced to dominant contemporary understandings of the concept or to singular events or crises. The news articles were then compared to 850 government documents, speeches, and other official communications. The analysis of the data indicates that media conceptualizations of radicalization, which once denoted political and economic differences, have now shifted to overwhelmingly focus on Islam. As such, radicalization discourse now evokes the construct radicalization as symbolic marker of conflict between the West and the East. I also advanced the established notion that the news media employ strategic discursive strategies that contribute to conceptual distinctions that are used to construct Muslims as an “alien other” to the West.  相似文献   

2.
This study examines constructions of Puerto Ricans across two different media forms: newspaper articles and Twitter. We use Poinciana, Florida, a Central Florida Puerto Rican enclave, as a means to examine these constructions. Because of the high concentration of Puerto Rican residents and unprecedented migration to the area, Poinciana is an ideal community to examine media constructions of a migrant group. Utilizing constructivist grounded theory, we analyze all published newspaper articles (1995–2016) and public Twitter posts (2009–2016) about Puerto Ricans in the region (N = 174). We find newspaper articles construct mostly benign views of Puerto Ricans, reflecting “Happy Talk” diversity discourse, while Twitter constructions present more negative portrayals, generally relating to population size, and often reflecting a racist ideology reminiscent of the Latino Threat Narrative. We conclude by detailing the significance of divergent constructions across media forms during a period of heightened migration, and how the type of media consumed by Puerto Ricans in this community known as “Little Puerto Rico” is likely to influence their perceived level of societal acceptance.  相似文献   

3.
“Displacement risk” is increasingly central to global policy discourse on disaster risk reduction (DRR), despite its vague formulation and inconsistent use. Different understandings of displacement, its complex relationship with vulnerability, and its ambiguous role as a necessary survival strategy for people in harm's way that also creates or exacerbates risk, hinder its clear conceptualization. This limits the clarity and value of recommendations to “reduce displacement risk” for DRR. The explicit consideration of two complementary aspects of risk related to displacement could support more comprehensive, actionable discourses: (1) the “risk stemming from displacement”, that is, any negative impact people might experience due to displacement, and (2) the “risk of remaining displaced”, that is, of people being displaced for a long time. Consideration of these aspects would allow to better include protection and durable solution perspectives within DRR, integrate displacement in disaster risk and loss assessments and add value to existing DRR efforts.  相似文献   

4.
After waves of women's liberation movements, the reform era has witnessed a puzzling stagnation, if not decline, in women's status in China. Among the existing literature on the changing public gender discourse in postsocialist China, few studies have substantially engaged with feminist critiques of the “separate spheres” as an analytical framework. In this study the authors performed content analyses on 202 articles drawn from 3 Chinese mainstream magazines between 1995 and 2012 to describe changes in media's framing of urban women's issues. Over time, topics on marriage and private relationships became increasingly predominant, while concerns over gender discrimination diminished in the mainstream media. The results provide evidence for a revitalization of traditional gender values attributing women to “private” spheres and reveal the media's repeated use of individualistic approaches to structural problems, suggesting an alliance between patriarchal and neoliberal ideologies in shaping public gender discourse while concealing structural inequalities in urban China.  相似文献   

5.
6.
This article provides an analysis of how Jewish rituals and Jews as a minority group are represented and debated in the Norwegian press: How is “news about the Jews” framed by the media? Which discourses dominate the debates? Are notions of what it “takes to be Norwegian” put forward in these cases? The article is also an analysis of Jewish voices in the press, and based on the fact that Jewish advocates refer to minority-based legal rights suggests that the Jewish minority benefits from the use of a broader international human rights discussion in the press. I claim that a multicultural discourse provides the Jewish minority with language that makes it possible to argue for cultural rights without referring to Jewishness; offering protection against a general fear of anti-Semitism.  相似文献   

7.
The news media, a dominant source of information about social issues, use entertainment formats to organize reports that audiences will understand. Part of this organized effort is the use of a discourse of fear, or the pervasive communication, symbolic awareness, and expectation that danger and risk are central features of everyday life. Reliant on formal agents of social control as news sources about fear, news reports tend to repeat certain words, themes, and perspectives that support more social control. Although associated with crime, the discourse of fear includes other topics and concerns as well. A qualitative content analysis approach, “tracking discourse,” permits a mapping of discourse over time and across various topics. Analysis of the use of fear in three major newspapers during 1987–1996 shows that it has increased; that a large part of the discourse of fear includes children and the spaces they occupy (e.g., schools and neighborhoods); and that it changed from a focus on specific events in the 1980s to a more generalized, pervasive perspective in the 1990s, peaking in about 1994. It is argued that this is important for making claims about “necessary” social action to protect children, as well as protect us from children. Fear is the path to the dark side. —Star Wars: Episode 1: The Phantom Menace  相似文献   

8.
The recent shift to a “positive psychological” approach that emphasizes a “health model,” rather than a “disease model,” in mental health discourses is intended both to reduce the stigma around mental health issues and to enable people to play a role in monitoring their own mental health. As a component of a larger study on access to and utilization of mental health services by immigrant women, and a partial reflection of the current ideological context of mental health policy and practice in Canada, this shift was examined by analyzing the Canadian Mental Health Association's mental health discourse as posted in Web-based text using features of critical discourse analysis. Although considered an improvement over previous approaches by some, the current mental health discourse continues to reflect ideologies that assume a universal psychology of individual mental health. Framing this research with aspects of sociocultural and postcolonial theories, this article seeks to identify the possibilities of this new discourse and expose its limitations in relation to immigrants to Canada.  相似文献   

9.
A Missing Voice     
Abstract

Contemporary gay and lesbian social service literature still heavily focuses on White middle/upper-class issues and uses an isolated and fixed concept of homosexuality. As a result, the discourse has only a limited applicability to people with “dual” or “multiple” identities, accentuating the power of those who control the discourse and the oppression of those with “dual” or “multiple” identities. Using Asians as a case example, I argue that the lack of published articles about Asians in contemporary gay and lesbian social service literature is the result of the different worldviews of Asian and White queers. However, this deficiency is sustained by social structures that are saturated with White middle/upper-class values. Implications of this situation and some directions for social change are discussed.  相似文献   

10.
Two of the most highly developed analytical approaches to public and mass media debates are discourse analyses in the tradition of Michel Foucault and the theory of the public sphere that has been developed at the Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB). Both approaches emphasize relevant and complementary aspects of societal communication, but so far, there has been no attempt to combine the two. This is the aim of this article: First, it is shown that both approaches are based on similar assumptions. Second, the concept of “discourse coalitions” is employed in order to bridge discourse analyses and the WZB model. Third, I propose to reconstruct discourse coalitions statistically using multiple correspondence analysis. Fourth, two examples will be considered in order to demonstrate discourse coalitions in a concrete mass media debate. In the cases of human genome research and stem cell research, three discourse coalitions can be shown, each having a different weight and therefore, a different discursive “power” in the coverage.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

This paper analyses the powerful stereotypical media discourse that shapes and reproduces a certain racialised and prejudiced perception of people identified as “Roma” in Germany. Using a close analysis of a single picture – appearing as harmless at first glance – and through the reconstruction of its various interpretational contexts and semantics the paper identifies mechanisms used in stereotypical media coverage of “Roma”. This qualitative analysis draws on media analysis of antigypsyism as well as on research of photographic construction of the “gypsy” in order to analyse the contemporary visual regime of “Roma” in Germany. As it portrays “the Roma” as a fundamentally different and socially deviant group, this visual stereotyping is shown to be an integral element of the persistent antigypsyist ideology, deeply embedded in German society.  相似文献   

12.
The mass arrival of Syrian refugees and their continuing presence have triggered many new debates regarding migration in Turkey, which – as a result of its open-door policy – now hosts the highest number of refugees in the world. Yet, when we investigate the ways political institutions and actors have framed migration, we observe, unlike in European discourses, the complete absence of the word “crisis”. In public statements by politicians, “control” emerges instead as a recurrent (albeit implicit) theme. Here, management of the refugee issue becomes a sign of state power, exercised through various mechanisms. Through analysis of state discourse on Syrians in the Turkish media, we find that crisis framing has been deliberately avoided, which we contend is a sign of an implicit “silencing” via media control. This choice of discourse reflects a clear policy to manage public reactions to the mass arrival of refugees.  相似文献   

13.
“Obesity epidemic” discourse relies on scientific and epidemiological research to justify subjecting certain bodies to healthist messaging and disciplinary technologies. The science and framing of obesity has evolved, potentially partially due to critical obesity scholars. However, critical obesity scholars are now reliant on outdated critiques of ever progressing evolving/adapting discourse. Recent discoveries have been made concerning the determinants of obesity and the complexity of weight loss. Scientific discourse often now references environmental factors as contributors to obesity, low levels of sustained weight loss, and limitations of common measures such as the body mass index. Despite this refinement, the ultimate conclusion of studies, as presented within the scientific articles or in related media reportage, remains unchanged. Individuals are still expected to attempt to “correct” their non‐normative bodies through lifestyle changes, regardless of the evidence underscoring the likely futility of these endeavors. This paper updates obesity science and public health responses and evaluates the extent to which new findings, with the potential to greatly subvert standard weight loss advice, have altered supposedly evidence‐based public health communications and recommendations. As emerging scientific insights have further muddied already‐complex obesity‐related pathways, solutions have largely remained the same.  相似文献   

14.
This article examines the discoursal shift to “reintegration” within trafficking protection programmes and policy, with emphasis upon Cambodia. The evidence indicates that non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) are progressively making “reintegration” their primary protective objective. Yet a lack of conceptual clarity prevails and is being exacerbated by models and forms of guidance which position NGOs as directly undertaking or providing for the achievement of reintegration. This article argues that NGOs and their practitioners cannot “reintegrate” anyone – at least not in any substantive sense. Drawing upon the discourse within the field of protection practice, a dualist conception of reintegration is proposed as comprised of “procedural” and “substantive” elements. Accordingly, the procedural delivery of assistance may or may not support the substantive attainment of reintegration. It is argued that the emerging focus upon reintegration reflects a broadened vision of justice which warrants further research into the social and cultural foundations necessary for its achievement.  相似文献   

15.
Using qualitative content analysis of newspaper articles, Web site matter, and newsprint advertisements, the authors analyze the nuances of Know Your Power (KYP), a corporate Astroturf campaign created in 2007 to challenge the permitting of the Red Rock coal‐fired facility in northern Oklahoma. Employing a risk society framework, the study contributes to literatures on Astroturf campaigns, the social construction and definition of risk, discourse on the contentious politics of energy, and corporate use of false grassroots coalitions in an environmental conflict. Findings indicate that KYP utilized an educational framework, neighborhood expert knowledge, themes central in the risk society, and the impression of a grassroots coalition to convince lay publics and regulatory actors that “Red Rock is wrong.”  相似文献   

16.
This study considered the role the mainstream print media has played in creating, sustaining, or dispelling the confusion among some Americans regarding President Barack Obama's religious identity. Employing a qualitative discourse analysis of coverage of Obama's religious identity, the study noted several distinct themes, including current faith practices, connections to history, blame game, otherness, politicization, and Muslim connections. A number of articles failed to capture the social, political, and historical contexts of the issue. This failure resulted in coverage that implicitly accepted the questions' legitimacy surrounding the President's religion and delegitimized his beliefs. Other coverage legitimated the confusion over his religious identity by focusing on Obama's “nontraditional” path to Christianity. Such coverage accentuated Obama's otherness, and created the potential for distrust and doubt. The study concluded that the coverage Obama received from the mainstream print media played an important but inconsistent role in dispelling the confusion over his religious identity.  相似文献   

17.
While many feminist and postcolonial scholars have analyzed the post-9/11 politic in the United States, few have focused on the anthrax “attacks” that followed the 11 September 2001 World Trade Center disaster. The FBI search for the perpetrator of the 2001 anthrax mailings was an important node in US national security discourse making – it culminated in the fingering of a white male government biodefense scientist and cast doubt on the role of scientific expertise in provisioning national security. This article argues that while “white scientific masculinity” was put into question, it was simultaneously shored up as a nationalist symbol of protection against bioterrorism. This article traces shifts across the three FBI-led profiles of the anthrax perpetrator, along with concomitant news media coverage: the white male “loner” nonscientist, the white male “loner” amateur scientist and finally the white male biodefense scientist. Using a cultural studies approach, this article details how at each successive investigatory stage profilers mobilized hegemonic discourses to re-instantiate the authoritative status of white scientific masculinity in US national security. This analysis offers an important dimension to feminist and postcolonial critiques of the symbolic and institutional investment in white masculinity during the War on Terror.  相似文献   

18.
Recent research points to the evolution of a symbiotic relationship between bloggers and the professional news media, in which blogs influence and supplement the work of journalists but do not appear to be replacing it entirely. Such relationships are developing not only on a country‐by‐country basis but also on a global scale, assisted by the phenomenon of “bridge blogs”. Will this lead to a more democratic global information order? This paper examines the China case, and the emerging relationship between blogs, bridge blogs, and foreign correspondents who cover China. It concludes that if blogs and citizen media are contributing to a more democratic global information order, it is more of a “representative” form of democracy – not a pure “many to many” global discourse that many Internet idealists had hoped.  相似文献   

19.
A cross-national community structure survey examined the relationship between national characteristics and newspaper coverage of water handling. Sampling all relevant 250+ word articles from September 1, 2000 (the implementation of UN Millennium Development Goal target 7c) to September 1, 2010 in 21 newspapers worldwide in NewsBank and AllAfrica databases yielded 394 articles. Articles were coded for visual/editorial “prominence” and “direction” (framing of clean water access as primarily “government responsibility,” “societal responsibility,” or “balanced/neutral” coverage), then combined to produce composite “Media Vector” scores for each newspaper (+.5241 to ?.3886, a range of .9127). Thirteen of 21 Media Vectors (60%) reflected coverage favoring government responsibility for water handling. Pearson correlations revealed the potency of 4 variable cluster scales (all α = .70+) as major correlates of water handling coverage: “female empowerment,” “vulnerability,” “privilege,” and “press freedom,” with three clusters connected to “societal” responsibility. Regression analysis reinforced the strong role of female empowerment in coverage emphasizing societal responsibility. Overall, indicators of privilege and press freedom followed suit, also linked to coverage emphasizing “societal” responsibility for water handling, whereas indicators of vulnerability instead correlated with more media emphasis on government responsibility.  相似文献   

20.
This preface summarizes the emergence of religion and media courses from the 1950s to the present day. It makes the case for why analysis of religion and media coursework is a challenge and reports on research that shows enormous diversity among the types of courses commonly classified as within the “religion and media” subject. The preface furthermore summarizes the other articles in this special issue.  相似文献   

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