论孙中山与宋教仁的政体分歧

辛亥前后 ,资产阶级革命派在南京临时政府的建制问题上 ,都主张建立资产阶级民主共和国 ,但在政体模式的选择上却出现了很大的分歧。本文围绕孙中山与宋教仁的政体分歧 ,比较了二者的政体主张及其缘由 ,并在分析民初政体实践的基础上 ,对二者的政体分歧作了简要的评论 ,从中揭示出民国政治及中国政治现代化之“权力与自由”的难题。     

从“武昌教案”看地方官员的应对与处境

武昌教案爆发之后,地方官员迅速着手处理此案。但在案件审理过程中,就案发原因、案发经过、案件审理结果,中方与英方都存在极大的分歧,本文详细分析了案件中的分歧来看待地方官员在其中的处境。     

一种不变方法论模式的价值

科学发展及其问题L.劳丹在其近著《科学与价值:科学的目标及其在科学争论中的作用》中讨论了科学中的分歧以及分歧如何解决的问题。劳丹认为,无论是早先逻辑实证主义者赖辛巴赫、亨佩尔和波佩尔对科学发展所作的解释,还是后来库恩等人提出的“总体的”或“宏观的”观点,都不足以说明科学中的分歧现象。因此,劳丹提出了自己的关于科学发展的解释模式,这种模式试图表明,普遍而合理的分歧是可能存在的和可以解决的。在劳丹看来,逻辑实证主义者提出的是一种     

唐贞元元和年间韩愈刘禹锡关系考辨

中唐时期文学巨匠韩愈与刘禹锡私谊究竟如何?两人之间是否存在巨大的思想分歧?评法批儒运动后人们对此一直持有怀疑。本文从韩、刘“昔遇”及二、三两次相晤进行纵向考证,对所谓“哲学分歧”问题以及韩愈的“谀墓”之嫌做了辩驳。最后指出所谓“思想分歧”是人为的附会,韩、刘之间是一种互相信赖的挚友关系。     

The Impact of the Bombardment of Jinmen in 1958 upon Sino-Soviet Relations

1958年炮击金门是中苏关系走向破裂进程中的重要事件。炮击金门体现了这一时期中共领导人对国际问题的新看法和外交战略的显著变化,是毛泽东推行“革命外交”的具体实践。这种思想和实践同赫鲁晓夫的社会主义国家外交政策总路线存在着根本的分歧。炮击事件严重损害了中苏同盟,进一步加深了双方的矛盾和分歧,并促使苏联领导人决定停止向中国提供核武器,从而成为中苏矛盾和分歧公开化以及国家关系迅速走向恶化的重要标志之一。     

经济学与政府决策过程

我想借这人生难得的机会,向同行们谈几点看法,探讨改善经济学家的所为与政府决策之间相互影响作用的诸种办法。当然,压力和分歧在政策制定、尤其在经济政策制定过程中是难免的,没有任何力量能够消除这些压力和分歧。然而,我认为在过去10年里,华盛顿     

对色情服务的公众意向的调查与分析

通过问卷调查和访谈，本调查结果认为：１）我国绝大多数公众对色情服务深恶痛绝，但主张任其自然发展或有限发展者也占一定比例；２）公众对色情服务的概念及范围的确定有较大的分歧；３）多数人认为可以通过严厉打击遏制色情服务发展势头，但对根除色情服务无信心；４）公众对色情服务产生根源的认识有较大分歧。公众对色情服务的某种容忍和认识分歧正是近十几年来中国色情服务屡禁不止的原因之一     

从莫斯到列维—斯特劳斯:“玛纳”与实践观念的可译性

“玛纳”这一典型的巫术概念构成了社会人类学的一个经典“案例”。莫斯与列维—斯特劳斯对它的不同诠释体现了从法国社会学派到结构主义人类学的转折及分歧。本文从莫斯的文本出发将“玛纳”定义为“实践观念”，并以“可译性”为切入点，试图证明在“实践观念可译性”问题上的分歧背后隐含着社会本体论、社会科学方法论和行动哲学这三个层面的分歧。最后，本文认为，关于莫斯与列维—斯特劳斯之关系的最常见观点实际上是对这一关系的过度简化。     

试析美朝在核危机中的话语权之争

朝核危机产生于20世纪90年代。时至今日,美朝除了在国家利益、安全观念与政治互信等方面存在分歧外,还在朝鲜半岛核问题与朝鲜核问题、核能和平利用与反核扩散问题、横向核扩散与纵向核扩散问题等方面存在分歧与争夺。双方斗争的目的是为了置对方于不利的道义位置,以便在与对方打交道时增强自己的话语地位,为维护自身国家安全利益争取主动。     

对批评的回应

在这篇短文中 ,作者试图回应倪培民和理查德·斯蒂克勒教授对安乐哲、郝大维新近的《中庸》译释所提出的建设性批评。作者感激倪培民和斯蒂克勒教授本着严肃认真的态度仔细研读他们的著作。他们与倪教授的主要分歧在于如何运用恰当的英文术语译释中国过程性世界观。相形之下 ,安乐哲、郝大维与理查德·斯蒂克勒教授有着“实质性”的分歧。     

Social Insurance and the Contributory Principle: A Paradox in Contemporary British Social Policy

At the outset of the twenty-first century, the situation of British National Insurance is one of paradox. Due to socioeconomic changes and successive government policies over the past three decades, the contributory principle, which was a cornerstone of social security reconstruction after World War II, has been in remarkable decline. At the same time contributions to the National Insurance Fund increased significantly and continues to represent a substantial form of total social security revenue. The contributory principle has a broad public appeal, but National Insurance does not figure prominently in public debates and the system is poorly understood. Recent policies have added to the ambiguity as to how far the contributory principle confers social rights, and have further eroded its rationale. The article states that this situation is not matched by developments in other European countries. Despite substantial reforms and heated debates marked by controversy, the prospect for social insurance and the contributory principle appears considerably better than in the UK. One major explanation is, the article argues, the distinctive notion of social insurance in Britain and particularly the lack of "wage-replacement" transfers. Elsewhere in Europe, earnings-related transfers sustain a very different incentive structure, institutional involvement and wider public participation in matters of social insurance.     

Importing Workfare: Policy Transfer of Social and Labour Market Policies from the USA to Britain under New Labour

Britain's New Labour government has put welfare reform at the top of its political agenda. It has followed a radical “workfare” agenda in relation to labour and social market policies and no longer aims to secure full employment mainly through direct job creation or Keynesian demand management. Instead, it promotes equal opportunity for all based on a contract between benefits claimants and the employment service. The New Deal is at the heart of British activation programmes for the unemployed. American policy paradigms have influenced the design of the New Deal. Policy transfer in activation policies from the USA to Britain is due to institutional similarities in British and American welfare states on the one hand, and to the comparable structure of their labour markets on the other hand. The influence of the European social model on British labour market policies thus remains limited.     

British and European Influences on the "Australian Way" from the 1980s

Commonwealth countries share their British social policy legacy in a variety of ways. Autstralia attempted to adopt the postwar "new Fabian" welfare state model at the very time when international economic circumstances undermined its Keynesian foundation. With Labor governments in power from 1983 to 1996, Australia diverged significantly from the neo-liberal reform path adopted in the United Kingdom. Australian governments looked increasingly to European social democracies for alternative social policy models. In a manner anticipating the "Third Way", the tendency was towards mixing neo-liberal economics with social democratic welfare. The Australian "Third Way" which resulted proved unstable. Current social reformers, the paper proposes, ought to revisit a neglected but characteristically British emphasis on the need for a measure of "socialization of investment" to underpin redistributive strategies.     

Benefit ‘Myths’? The Accuracy and Inaccuracy of Public Beliefs about the Benefits System

There is a widespread assumption by academics and commentators that negative public attitudes to the benefits system are due to ‘myths’ held by the British public. However, there is little research on whether the public believe these ‘myths’, nor critical scrutiny of benefit ‘truths’. This article therefore investigates what British people believe about the benefits system, and the extent to which these beliefs can be regarded as correct. To do this, we use 46 measures from 18 datasets (including British Social Attitudes, the European Social Survey, Eurobarometer, and surveys by YouGov and Ipsos MORI made available for academic study for the first time), and compare these perceptions to true figures obtained from a variety of sources. We find that – against expectations – there are some areas where the public are (on average) relatively accurate (e.g. the share of the population who currently claim out‐of‐work benefits). Yet overall, our evidence shows that the British public have low levels of understanding of the benefits system, primarily in ways that seem likely to undermine public support. People wildly overestimate unemployment benefits compared to pensions, the value of unemployment benefits, and misperceive trends in claims. While it is difficult to know the true level of benefit fraud exactly, the public overestimate fraud compared to any reasonable figure. We conclude by discussing the implications for both understanding and changing attitudes towards benefits.     

How does BREXIT affect production patterns of multinational enterprises?

This paper explores how the British exit from the European Union (EU) potentially affects the United Kingdom (UK) economy and the production patterns of multinational enterprises that choose the UK as either a destination market or a gateway to the EU market. Utilizing an extended version of the knowledge-capital model, which includes six types of firms and four countries grouped into market and non-market, simulation analysis reveals that efforts to enhance attractiveness of the UK as a destination market to increase horizontal-type inward foreign direct investment would be a solution to cover losses from reduction in the number of export-platforms.     

The rise of living alone and loneliness in history

This article connects two current debates: the rise of single-person households or of ‘solitaries’, and the so-called ‘loneliness epidemic’. It raises questions about how these are associated, via social-science literature on loneliness as a social, contextual and subjective experience, and findings in that literature about the relevance of lone-person households. The article is concerned to explore the history of living alone as a form of family structure, via analysis of European, North American and Japanese pre-industrial and industrial listings of inhabitants, and the post-1851 British censuses to 2011. It also does this cartographically via British mapping of lone-person households in 1851, 1881, 1911 and 2011. It documents dramatic rise across many countries in single-person households during the twentieth century, notably since the 1960s. Many pre-industrial settlements had no single-person households, and the average was around 5 percent of households. The current western proportions of such households (e.g. 31 percent in the UK) are wholly unprecedented historically, even reaching to 60 percent or more of households in some modern European and North American cities. The discussion examines this trend – which has very wide ramifications – and raises issues about its relevance for modern problems of loneliness as a social and welfare concern.     

Understanding risk and regulatory reform

There are few areas in regulation likely to cause more controversy than where risk, science and politics collide. While the case of Thalidomide shows that it is by no means an exclusively recent concern, David Vogel’s work confirms that it is an enduring theme of contemporary debate. Vogel has maintained that, while the American regulatory regime of the 1960s and 1970s may have been intensely contested, its European counterpart now displays significant similarities, so that the “Tortoise has now caught up with the Hare”. This article challenges such a view, suggesting that he has overstated the role of Precaution in European regulation, where it is qualified by other regulatory principles (BATNEEC, Proportionality and Subsidiarity) that embrace other socially valued objectives: economic growth, technological innovation and employment. Moreover, while the rhetoric of European regulation may evoke a concern with the role of science in regulation (often at the cutting edge, where precaution demands the evidentiary bar to intervention is lowered) in practise, its role (through risk assessments) has ensured that it is elevated.     

A changing democracy: contemporary challenges to the British political tradition

A series of authors including ourselves have argued that there is a dominant, if contested, political tradition (the BPT), that is a particular conception of democracy, that underpins to institutions and processes of British politics. However, here we argue that the BPT has never been more contested or vulnerable, focusing upon three contemporary challenges, the Scottish question, the rise of anti-politics and the demands to leave the European Union (EU), culminating in BREXIT, although we recognise there are others. At the same time, we contend that the BPT still plays a key role in how the political elite reacts to these challenges; its first response remains to preserve as much of the BPT as possible in changing circumstances. As such, the key question we address here is whether we are witnessing the beginnings of a fundamental shift in the nature of British political democracy, or whether, as so often before, the BPT and its adherents will adapt to, and accommodate, these challenges.     

论近代早期英国庇护制的变化和构成

庇护制是中世纪和近代早期欧洲国家非正式的和非国家性的制度,主要是以个人恩赐为手段来维持政府的运行。英国的庇护制在中世纪时期以附庸制的形式出现,但是都铎和早期斯图亚特王朝时期,正式确立了以个人为中心的庇护制。在这一时期,构成了以君主为中心、从中央到地方的个人庇护网络,涉及到各个层面的贵族和官员乃至中下层群体。庇护人、被庇护人和经纪人是庇护制中的主要构成群体。阐述清楚近代早期英国庇护制的问题对于我们了解近代转型时期英国社会政治生活的特点有着重要的意义。     

An Evaluation of Progress Toward European Monetary Union Using Fuzzy Analysis

European Monetary Union (EMU) is scheduled to commence by the end of the century. Currently, Europeans are engaged in a grand debate over EMU. The controversy is not only over the timetable and stringency of criteria for macroeconomic convergence between member countries, but also over the desirability of the whole EMU enterprise. The European Union (EU) has three choices, to abandon the idea of EMU and opt for independent national monetary policy for each member, to venture the unknown by adopting the EMU regardless of the conditions of its members, or to measure and monitor the fulfillment of EMU preconditions carefully and take the final step when there is a consensus that convergence is reasonably attained. Our paper is a contribution to a systematic quantification and measurement of the fulfillment of the EMU preconditions. We provide a general framework for policy evaluation based on fuzzy logic. We use fuzzy analysis to assess the degree to which each goal is attained, to evaluate the performance of different countries, and to determine the overall progress of the EU in meeting the Maastricht criteria.