Effects of parental absence on child labor and school attendance in the Philippines

This paper uses longitudinal data from the Philippines to analyze determinants of children’s time allocation. The estimation method takes into account both the simultaneity of time use decisions, by allowing for correlation of residuals across time uses, and unobservable family heterogeneity, through the inclusion of household fixed effects. Importantly, this improved estimation method leads to different results than when applying the methods previously used in the literature. Girls suffer significantly from the absence of their mother with a reduction in time spent in school that is equivalent to dropping out completely. This effect is substantially larger when controlling for household unobservables than when not. Boys increase time spent working on market related activities in response to an absent father, although this time appears to come out of leisure rather than school or doing household chores. Land ownership substantially increase the time boys spend on school activities, whereas renting land reduces the time girls spend on school. Finally, there does not appear to be a substantial trade-off between time spent on school and work, either in the market or at home.     

Relatives as Child Care Givers: After Hours Support for Nontraditional Workers

This study uses a sample of 1,841 families from the National Child Care Survey (1990) and accompanying Low-Income Supplement (1990) to determine the amount and timing of child care services offered by relatives to working families with young children. Results indicate that relative care is primarily provided by grandparents. Compared to other parents, single parents and those working nontraditional hours are significantly more likely to use relatives for child care, and their children spend significantly longer periods of time in relative care, especially at nontraditional times of the day. The study conclusion is that relatives are facilitating parental employment by providing child care at times of the day when other market alternatives usually are not available.     

Differences in allocation of family time spent on household tasks among single-parent,one-earner,and two-earner families

The purpose of this study is to use analysis of covariance to examine variations in time use among single-parent, one-earner, and two-earner families and to assess the effects of two covariates, Age of the Younger Child and Hours of Employment of the Homemaker, on total family time spent on household tasks. Data were collected from 81 single-parent and 210 two-parent California households using a questionnaire, time chart, and personal interviews. The greatest discrepancy between single-parent and two-parent families is that single-parent families spend significantly less time than two-parent families on Maintenance of the home and yard and on Nonphysical Care (social interaction with family members). One-earner families spend almost as much time as two-earner families on Nonphysical Care, but only when Secondary Time is included. Two household activities, Clothing Care and Management, are not affected by either family type or the covariates.This study utilized data from USDA Regional Research Project NE-113, An Urban-Rural Comparison of Families' Time Use.Jeanne M. Hilton is an Assistant Professor of Family Economics and Management, Department of Human Development and Family Studies, University of Nevada, Reno, NV 89557. She received her Ph.D. from Oregon State University. Her current research interests include work and family issues within the context of family structure.     

Changing American home life: trends in domestic leisure and storage among middle-class families

This study of middle-class American families draws on ethnography and urban economic history, focusing on patterns of leisure time and household consumption and clutter. We trace how residential life evolved historically from cramped urban quarters into contemporary middle-class residences and examine how busy working families use house spaces. Our ethnographic sample consists of 24 Los Angeles families in which both parents work full time, have young children, and own their homes. Formal datasets include systematically timed family uses of home spaces, a large digital archive of photographs, and family-narrated video home tours. This analysis highlights a salient home-storage crisis, a marked shift in the uses of yards and garages, and the dissolution of outdoor leisure for busy working parents. The UCLA Center on Everyday Lives of Families (CELF) is generously supported by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation program on the Workplace, Workforce, and Working Families. Anthony Graesch assisted with the tables. Additional information about CELF can be found at www.celf.ucla.edu.     

Non-parental childcare,time pressure and the gendered division of paid work,domestic work and parental childcare

What impact does out-sourcing childcare have on the time parents spend on paid work, domestic work and childcare, and how they share these tasks between themselves? Using data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Time Use Survey (TUS) 2006 we investigate the effects of formal and informal non-parental childcare on the time use of couples with children aged 0–4 years (N=348). We examine associations between non-parental care and (1) couples' combined time in paid work, domestic work and childcare, (2) parents' time separately by gender in paid work, domestic work and childcare (subdivided by activity type) and (3) parents' self-reported time pressure. Total workloads (the sum of paid work, domestic work and childcare) are neither higher nor lower when non-parental care is used, either for households combined or for each gender separately. The way time is spent, and how activities are divided by gender does differ, however. For mothers the use of any non-parental care and more hours in formal care is associated with more paid work hours, less childcare time and higher self-reported time pressure. Fathers' time is more constant, but they report higher subjective time pressure with increasing hours of formal non-parental care.     

Why more ‘quality time’ is not on the top of children's lists: the ‘qualities of time’ for children1

For many years the everyday reality of working parents and their children has been captured in notions of ‘quality time’ versus ‘quantity time’. On the one hand it is suggested that what families need is ‘more time’ for parents to spend together with their children and less time working. On the other hand this has been countered with arguments saying that attention has to be paid to how parents spend their time together with their children. As a result quality time is often presented through idealised images of ‘happy families’. Quality time is seen as parents engaging with their children in particular activities or outdoor excursions that create and maintain family enjoyment, care and togetherness. However, such debates are based on assumptions of what would be ‘good’ for today's children and neglect the perspective of children themselves. This paper draws on field research carried out with 10–11‐year‐old children on their understandings and use of time in an urban and a rural setting in the north of England. The paper points to five ‘qualities of time’ identified by children. These qualities suggest that children's views of time spent with their families cannot be seen as separate from the time they spend with friends, at school and on their own. The paper argues that the quality/quantity time conundrum needs replacing by fuller and more representative accounts of the varied aspects of time that matter for children. These need to be situated in the processes through which family, school and work life take place on a daily basis and in relation to children's life course. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Family Experiences of Competition and Adolescent Performance

The authors examined how mothers' and fathers' feelings of competition at home and work affect their relationships with their daughters and sons using time‐diary data from a national sample of 220 families. Multivariate analyses revealed 3 relationships between parents' feelings of competitiveness at work and home and feelings of competition experienced by their children at school and home: (a) parents' and adolescents' competitiveness varied across home, work, and school—with mothers and fathers reporting similar levels of competition at work but daughters feeling more competitive at school than sons; (b) parents' competition at work was associated with similar activities; however, daughters' and sons' competition at school varied by activities; and (c) mothers' competition was associated with strategies for college enrollment and varied by gender, most notably with respect to daughters' academic progress. The results suggest how parents' competitive disposition may motivate their children's academic performance, especially between working mothers and their daughters.     

‘How Much Do You Spend Gambling?’: Ambiguities in Questionnaire Items Assessing Expenditure

Expenditure is a dependent variable frequently used in gambling research to index involvement and intensity. However, as a previous study found, self-reported expenditure estimates are ambiguous and imprecise. This paper attempts to (a) replicate the original study, and (b) investigate if specific instructions on methods used to calculate expenditure lead to differences in reported estimates in response to the question, ‘How much money do you spend gambling?’ A total of 637 participants were randomly assigned to one of three groups: Group 1 with no instructions; Groups 2 and 3 with instructions on calculating net and turnover. Results revealed that when heuristics were not specified, half the sample used net expenditure and the remainder used turnover. When heuristics were clearly specified, 30% failed to comply with instructions in calculating estimates. Results undermine the validity of reported gambling expenditure data and support the need for clear instructions on methods used to calculate expenditure.     

Family Home Businesses: Who Buys Health Insurance?

This study uses data from the Cooperative States Regional Research Project NE-167 to examine the factors that influence family home business owners in purchasing health insurance. Results indicate that net business income, full-time work, and a hospital reimbursement rate are positively related to the likelihood of buying health insurance although income from other sources is negatively related to purchasing it. Being male, a contractor, and having more education also indicates a greater probability of buying insurance. Implications for working with self-employed families are discussed.     

In-Home Training and the Production of Children's Human Capital

This paper adapts the idea of on-the-job training (OJT) to investments that families make in children before formal schooling begins. Like OJT, in-home training occurs in informal settings, requires costly time inputs and is complementary with formal schooling. In addition to choosing among home production, leisure, and market work, parents also choose which particular home activities to pursue. That working mothers dramatically reduce the time they devote to leisure, sleep, and other home activities in order to preserve their time in human capital-building activities with children, illustrates and validates the home production framework.     

Satisfaction With Work and Family Life: No Evidence of a Cultural Reversal

Hochschild (1997) argued that in recent decades the rewards of work have increased relative to those of family life and that this cultural reversal has aggravated the time bind that families face by increasing working hours. To the contrary, pooled data from the 1973–1994 General Social Surveys indicate that in working families, women have shifted away from finding work more satisfying than home toward finding home a haven. Moreover, were it not for women's growing labor force participation and the changing distribution of marital status, the shift would have been even larger. Men's relative work–home satisfaction has been stable. Finally, finding work a haven is unrelated to weekly working hours, and it has not contributed to any increases in working hours over time.     

Home production and the tax system

This study explores the impact of income taxation on the home production behavior of families. Using data from the Michigan Survey of Income Dynamics for 1976, a home production equation relating time spent in home production to various tax, economic, and demographic variables is estimated for husbands and wives. The study extends earlier work in the area by including both one- and two-earner families in the estimation and by using a two-stage technique for imputing a wage rate to wives not working outside the home. The results show clearly that taxation tends to encourage the home production activity of wives and discourage that of husbands. At the same time, total home production of the family increases as a result of taxation. Differential responses by race are also uncovered.     

The Longitudinal Effects of Divorce and Maternal Employment on the Home Environments of Preschool Children

The purpose of this study was to examine the home environments of children whose mothers were married1 working, married/nonworking, or divorced/working across an eighteen-month period. The sample consisted of 42 families, with children from 4 1/2 to 7 years of age. The HOME (Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment) Inventory was administered in the home to assess the amount of cognitive and social stimulation provided the children. The home environments of children from divorced/working homes were found to be less cognitive and socially stimulating than those of married homes. These differences did not appear to be reflective of differences in the child-rearing attitudes of mothers from divorced and married families. The home environments of the married families with and without working mothers were found to very similar.     

About the contributors

The paper reports secondary analysis of data from the 2010 British Gambling Prevalence Survey, a household survey of a representative sample of the population aged 16 years and over (N = 7756). Responses to questions about frequency of gambling and average monthly spend on each of 15 forms of gambling, and responses to two different problem gambling screens (DSM-IV and PGSI), were used to derive estimates, for each form of gambling separately, of the percentage of (1) all days play (two estimates), and (2) all spend (four estimates), attributable to problem gamblers. Although these estimates must be treated as approximations only, they demonstrate that problem gamblers make a far greater contribution to total gambling attendances and losses than problem gambling prevalence figures would suggest. There are certain forms of British gambling to which problem gamblers may be contributing as much as 20–30% of all days play and spend, and moderate risk gamblers a possible further 10–20%.     

Leisure in Japan, 1986–2006: A Revival?

Japan is famous for long working hours. For decades the Japanese government has tried to influence how people spend their free time. In 5-yearly surveys since 1986 the government has surveyed ??quality of life,?? gauging how much time people spend daily in various activities, including ??leisure.?? Analyzing results from these time use surveys, from 2006 back to 1986, and controlling for labor market conditions, this study determines whether time spent on leisure activities has actually changed. Gains in some types of leisure have been fleeting. Yet in other respects leisure has been enhanced, with significant increases occurring in active recreational pastimes. Nevertheless, leisure remains elusive for mid-career employees. Moreover, there is a pronounced gender gap for leisure time.     

Parents' time use: A 1967–1986 comparison

The purpose of this article is to report the different time allocations of parents with an infant in 1967 and in 1986 in order to observe changes in household production, childcare, and total obligatory activities. The sample is a subset of 84 families from a 1967 study of two-parent families and from 108 families from a study of first-time parents in 1986.Multivariate analysis of covariance is used to indicate the effects of variables such as age, education, and employment of the parents as well as appropriate interaction terms before allowing the factor of sample year to allow for variance. The effect for sample year then is adjusted for other variables in the sample. Significant differences in time use, all other variables held constant, are observed in mothers' time in childcare, in household production, and in total obligatory activities. Fathers' time in childcare and in total obligatory activities significantly increase. Implications for family well-being are drawn.     

Family Work Trends and Practices:1971 to 1991

Families are allocating their time in an increasingly market-oriented fashion, with a decreasing proportion of labor hours being devoted to unpaid work. This article analyzes two aspects of the changing allocation of time. First, using longitudinal data from 1971 to 1991, the nature of the changes in how the families have changed their allocation of time between market and non-market alternatives is examined. Next, how family types have changed their allocations over the same period are examined. The Panel Study of Income Dynamics is used for this analysis.Results of this research indicate that the proportion of time spent on household labor among men has increased over individual men's life cycles and between cross-sectional cohorts. However, women continue to devote more hours to household labor than men. The number of hours women spend in the labor force are increasing, but the number of hours women spend in the labor force is still less than the number of hours men spend in the labor force. While the families in the longitudinal analysis have been able to maintain fairly stable work and income patterns, the cross-sectional data indicate that families need to devote an increasing number of hours to the labor market to maintain economic stability.     

Children's Experiences of Time When a Parent Travels for Work

This qualitative study focuses on the different ways time is experienced by children in families who face time challenges because of a family member's job that required work travel. Data are from a family‐level study that includes interviews of all family members older than age 7. Using grounded theory methodology, this study illustrates the ways in which job demands and family processes interact. The analysis centers on 75 children's perspectives from 43 families. Holding together assessments of having enough time while wanting more time with their parents, children express emotion, generally unrecognized by parents, around the topic of family time. Children's experience of time with parents is rushed or calm, depending on the activities done in time and the gender of the parent with whom they spend time. Findings are interpreted through a feminist social constructionist lens.     

Families,meals and synchronicity: eating together in British dual earner families

Based on a sample of British dual earner families with young children drawn from the National Diet and Nutrition Survey, the paper examines their food practices, in particular the conditions under which families are able to eat together or not during the working week. The concept of synchronicity is drawn upon to shed light on whether meals and meal times are coordinated in family life and the facilitators and constraints upon coordination. The paper suggests that whether families eat together is not only influenced by parents' work time schedules but also children's timetables relating to their age and bodily tempos, their childcare regimes, their extra-curricular activities and the problem of coordinating different food preferences and tastes.     

Working at the Weekend: Fathers' Time with Family in the United Kingdom

Whereas most resident fathers are able to spend more time with their children on weekends than on weekdays, many fathers work on the weekends spending less time with their children on these days. There are conflicting findings about whether fathers are able to make up for lost weekend time on weekdays. Using unique features of the United Kingdom's National Survey of Time Use 2000 (UKTUS) I examine the impact of fathers' weekend work on the time fathers spend with their children, family, and partners (N = 595 fathers). I find that weekend work is common among fathers and is associated with less time with children, families, and partners. Fathers do not recover lost time with children on weekdays, largely because weekend work is a symptom of overwork. Findings also reveal that even if fathers had compensatory time, they are unlikely to recover lost time spent as a family or couple.