Re‐Forming the School: Taking Swedish Lessons

In the context of government decentralisation and integration of services, over the last 15 years Sweden has been developing an all‐day school based on inter‐professional teamworking and adopting a holistic approach to working with children. The article describes these recent educational reforms in Sweden, which have sought to re‐structure the school and develop new ways of working, offers some evaluative comments on this process and considers possible implications of these reforms for other countries. It compares Swedish school reforms with recent English policy developments intended to make ‘extended schools’ a universal provision by 2010.     

GLOBAL CLIMATE CHANGE AND JAPANESE NUCLEAR POLICY1

Abstract Among advanced industrialized countries, only the Japanese government has a plan to construct an additional twenty nuclear power plant by 2010. Why does the government adhere so aggressively to a pro-nuclear policy? Recently, the government has stressed nuclear power for global climate protection. This paper criticizes Japanese climate protection policy from a sociological point of view and searches the political and social background of the policy, focusing on: (4 the characteristics and structure of the global warming issue, (b) the political opportunity structure of the decision making process at the national level, (c) the role of NGOs, (d) the international context and (el countermeasures at the municipal level.     

An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Stakeholder Analysis: Understanding the Political Context of California Marine Protected Area Policy

There is a growing recognition that public policy controversiesare driven more by value differences than by technical deficiencies.Unfortunately, we have yet to develop, test, and refine systematicapproaches for understanding political systems. In this articleI explain how the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) can beused as a theoretical basis for understanding political contextvia a stakeholder analysis. An ACF stakeholder analysis widensthe attention of policy analysts toward subsystem-wide dynamicswith multiple actors who are motivated by their beliefs, structuretheir relationships into advocacy coalitions, and try to influencepolicy through utilizing multiple resources and venues. I illustratean ACF approach to stakeholder analysis in a scientificallycontentious political conflict over the establishment of marineprotected areas in California. I conclude with a summary ofcontributions to the ACF literature and the strengths and limitationsof conducting an ACF stakeholder analysis.     

Turmoil in the welfare system reshapes rural Sweden

The purpose of the article is to discuss rural change and the effects of policies on the spatial distribution of welfare in Sweden. It is argued that the Swedish welfare model has had a major redistributional effect in favour of peripheral regions. The outcome is largely unintentional as the welfare system is directed to individuals rather than to regions. When recession and political change put pressure on the welfare model, a corresponding unintentional negative effect will hit the periphery. Therefore, a spatial perspective on the changing state budget is needed in order to develop a new policy for rural areas. Finally, attention is drawn to the complex pattern of rural change in Sweden. A cluster of changes are operating at different levels, giving new prospects to some regions while others will have continuing and increasing problems.     

Loans for energy conservation in sweden and connecticut: some comparisons

In field studies conducted in Sweden and Connecticut data were collected to evaluate the effects of home loan programs on residential energy conservation. While many households take the loans, it is not clear whether the availability of a loan is critical for, or merely incidental to, a decision to take a conservation action.Representative samples of residents in owner-occupied, single-family dwellings were interviewed by telephone. Samples of loan users also were contacted to collect equivalent data on energy conservation behavior. Results show a greater utilization of this type of energy incentive among Swedish homeowners, while Connecticut homeowners, both loan users and the random sample, reported higher levels of energy conservation activity. Loan users in both countries live in slightly older buildings, but differences in housing quality may be a factor influencing the level of conservation activity. The paper examines variations by household income, knowledge about the loan program, sources of information as factors that may be affecting differences between countries and program status.The paper concludes with a discussion of these findings and their implications for the implementation of energy conservation policy.     

The evolution of the policy environment for climate change migration in Bangladesh: Competing narratives,coalitions and power

In spite of an enormous increase in attention to climate migration in Bangladesh, institutional weaknesses have meant that unplanned migration has triggered social issues. This situation requires investigation of the main challenges and opportunities in institutional capacity and policy development for climate change induced migration. Drawing on different narratives, networks and power status of stakeholders, this study identifies two competing coalitions: ‘in‐situ’ coalition, which shares the belief that migration is a failure of adaptation, and ‘ex‐situ’ coalition adhering to the emerging slogan of “migration as adaptive strategy.” The differentiated powers of two coalitions to some extent leave the agenda of climate migration in the policy domain as a subject of informal institutional capacity rather than a formal regulatory framework. Consequently, the evolution of the policy environment for climate migration depends on how effectively a greater policy space is determined by narratives, coalitions and power. Through a political economy lens, this article seeks to clarify the potential approaches to extending the policy space regarding climate migration in Bangladesh, first by improving ideological pluralism in international climate change finance, and, second, enhancing the bottom‐up process for resource mobilization. In short, the evolution of the policy environment for climate change largely depends on the political power of the ‘ex‐situ’ coalition.     

States and the nuclear power. An international perspective

This paper analyzes the evolution of public policies on nuclear energy from an international perspective highlighting an interesting sociological paradox: the opposition to nuclear power contributed to the development of the environmental movement; and at present, the promoters of this kind of energy are including environmental arguments in their discourses, the fear of climate change and the reduction of CO₂. Although the Kyoto Protocol does not accept this kind of energy as a clean development mechanism (CDM), its promotion is carried out on the basis of environment objectives, so that the nuclear lobby is obtaining more social acceptation thanks to the environmental discourse in the last four decades. For this research, the nuclear policies at an international level are analyzed inside a wider research about the nuclear debate financed by Encuentro Foundation (Spain).     

Realigning criminal policy. Offender and victim in the Swedish party system over time

The article conducts a case study of criminal policy in the Swedish party system between 1960 and the present. Like other countries, Sweden has witnessed its criminal policy take a ‘punitive turn’ during this time. We hypothesize that this turn is explained by the fact that the discourse on crime has become increasingly victim-centred. Our study of the changes in the parties’ policies suggests that the parties play a central role in this explanation. In order to understand the punitive turn, however, the increasingly victim-centred discourse must in turn be explained. We argue that it is the individualization of society which provides the key here.     

Constructing climate capitalism: corporate power and the global climate policy‐planning network

In this article, I analyse the corporate hegemonic structures of power underlying the project of climate capitalism. I present climate capitalism as an emerging regime of accumulation founded on carbon markets and the ecological modernization of production, which could replace the prevalent carboniferous capitalist regime and provide a deeply needed reduction of carbon emissions. I map out the network of corporate‐funded climate and environmental policy groups participating in climate capitalist knowledge production and mobilization to provide a critical appraisal of the possibility of such a transition. The positioning of these policy groups allows them to play a crucial role as intermediaries between regional and sectoral corporate interests and they provide a crucial link between energy and financial firms. However, energy–finance linkages are sparse, and a small number of individual capitalists carry a relatively thin network from the fossil fuel and nuclear sectors. These findings cast doubt on the hypothesis that a strong climate capitalist coalition is emerging.     

Why the Fukushima Nuclear Disaster is a Man‐made Calamity

The Fukushima nuclear disaster caused by the earthquake on 11 March 2011 is a man‐made calamity because technological failures were derived from the failure of multiple social safeguards. The insufficient social safeguards can be explained by highlighting the “nuclear complex.” Institutional frameworks assured the enormous economic power of electric power companies and the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI). Using this power, the electric power companies effectively manipulated information, maintained strong political power and constructed the nuclear complex, which has imposed an overwhelming influence on the central sphere of control at a national level and has put economic profit before safety. Regulations for safety have not been insufficient because the organization charged with nuclear safety belongs to the nuclear complex. Consequently, Regulatory Guides concerning reactors defined by the government have not accounted for catastrophic accidents. Philosopher Mori Arimasa's concept of "binary combination" provides us with an insight into a profound sociological reason for the Fukushima nuclear disaster because it highlights the immaturity of subjectivity and the root of irresponsibility in Japanese society. Binary combination is defined as a relationship between two persons that is characterized by intimacy and a vertical relation. Binary combination tends to produce a group or organization that is closed to outsiders and often shows indifference as well as insensitivity to outside opinions. In order overcome the defects of energy policy as well as the decision‐making process, and to achieve a sustainable society, it is necessary to promote an energy paradigm shift and reforms for decision‐making through the enrichment of the public sphere.     

Policy Coherence for Sustainable Agricultural Development: Uncovering Prospects and Pretence within the Swedish Policy for Global Development

Within the European Union, promotion of ‘policy coherence’ is intended to improve co‐ordination across sectors and groups of professionals, who make competing claims for agricultural development in low‐income countries. This article examines the prospects for stakeholders in Sweden to implement such a policy, drawing on experiences from the launch of a national multi‐stakeholder platform with the participation of 99 organisations. Its findings demonstrate institutional fragmentation and struggles for legitimacy, with the internationally heralded Swedish Policy for Global Development operated largely as a tokenistic instrument, legitimised by the pretence of stakeholder engagement. It argues for improved institutional support to facilitate cross‐sectoral dialogues to deconstruct social boundaries which are no longer relevant.     

Bureaucratic manoeuvres and the local politics of climate change mitigation in China and India

This article explores how strategies of thinking and working politically are used by agencies within developing country governments to influence wider government agendas. It uses research on climate change mitigation in China and India to explore how government agencies seek to overcome challenges of limited capacity and competing priorities by bundling climate change together with more immediate priorities and thereby developing a coalition with an interest in achieving these objectives. The article is based on interviews conducted in China and India, as well as analysis of themes covered in the growing body of literature on the domestic politics of climate change mitigation. In both countries we found that pragmatic approaches leveraging what already exists made significant progress in putting energy efficiency on the agenda, strengthening institutional presence (in India) and delivering improvements in energy efficiency (in China). Yet, we also found that the use of these tactics had significant limitations. While there was probably no other way that the policy space given to climate change mitigation could have increased so rapidly, there are significant side effects that arise as a result of the traction gained by these initial policy approaches. While bundling raised the profile of energy efficiency, it also created perverse incentives that highlight the need to consider the long‐term effect on the interests, capacity and sustainability of informal coalitions. We highlight the need to take account of both the short‐ and long‐term effects of thinking and working politically, and the challenges of doing so when the outcomes are unpredictable and inherently difficult to assess.     

A Scandinavian Model? Gender Equality Discourses on Multiculturalism

Along with the other Nordic countries, Sweden, Denmark, andNorway are often perceived of as gender equality pioneers withcomprehensive gender equality policies. But how does the governmentalgender equality policy of today reflect that their populationshave become more culturally diverse during the last decades?My analysis, based partly on governmental action plans for genderequality 2000–2005, including the related parliamentarydebates, points to some similarities but also to major inter-countrydifferences. In all three countries, there is expressed a clearconcern for the agency of women and girls of ethnic minoritybackground, centered on violence and oppression. But, whileethnic minority and gender equality is highly prioritized inthe Danish gender equality policy, the same is not true forthe Swedish equivalent in the period studied. Also, the Danishcase gives the clearest example of what is believed to be conflictbetween minority cultural traditions and "Danish" equality norms,whereas the Swedish governmental rhetoric is dominated by theoriesof ongoing patriarchy, seemingly indifferent to cultural diversity.While Norway is characterized by a lack of overall gender equalityaction plans and parliamentary gender equality debates duringthis period, its policies towards gender and multiculturalismhave been managed largely as discrete issues.     

Safe Cities programming and campaigning in the ActionAid Federation

In 2011, ActionAid International embarked on an ambitious new programme to prevent violence against women in urban public spaces. By the end of 2014, 13 countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America were operating dedicated Safe Cities for Women programming. This article discusses the development of the Safe Cities Programme approach, highlighting how ActionAid has situated its work within – and in response to – the historic feminist global Safe Cities movement. It uses case studies from Nepal and Cambodia to illustrate the importance of coalition and movement building to secure policy change. We reflect on the sensitivities of an international NGO inhabiting space historically occupied by social movements.     

The Integration of Immigrants in Sweden: a Model for the European Union?

In an overall ranking by the Migration Policy Group of 2006 measuring immigrant integration policies in 28 countries, Sweden scored more points than any other country. This result is especially interesting given that Swedish integration policies differ considerably from integration policies applied in other EU countries. Whereas in countries such as the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, the United Kingdom, and France integration conditions have become increasingly restrictive in recent years, in Sweden the participation in integration courses is still voluntary and no integration requirements must be met for long‐term residence or citizenship. Moreover, the Swedish integration programme is characterised by an increasing number of labour‐market related integration measures. Yet, in contrast to the Migration Policy Group ranking, data collected from the OECD and Eurostat seem to indicate unfavourable integration outcomes in Sweden, at least in terms of labour market participation. The gap in employment rates between the native and foreign‐born population in Sweden widened during the 1990s and has not narrowed significantly since then. This means that the outcome of Swedish integration policies is at least ambiguous, which makes the use of Sweden as a model for integration policies in other member states inconceivable.     

Recruitment to Occupations with a Surplus of Workers: The Unexpected Outcomes of Swedish Demand‐Driven Labour Migration Policy

This article studies the outcomes of the 2008 labour‐migration policy change in Sweden, when most state control was abolished and an employer‐led selection was introduced. The main goal was to increase labour migration from third countries to occupational sectors experiencing labour shortages. The article compares the volume, composition and labour‐market status of labour migrants who arrived before the change in the law with those who arrived after. Labour migrants from EU countries are used as a control group to assess any eventual influence from non‐migration policy determinants. The main outcome of the policy change is that non‐EU labour migration increased – an effect entirely due to the rise in labour migration to surplus occupations. Changes in the composition of the labour migrants explains why those who came after the law change have, on average, a worse labour market position.     

Ill health and social conditions amongst migrants and refugees—the case of Sweden

The present article delineates the state of health and socioeconomic situation of migrants and refugees in Sweden. Special attention is given to refugees. Migrants appear to have more extensive health problems and a shorter longevity span than native Swedes. The refugees constitute an especially exposed group of migrants. Experiences in the home country that relate to organised violence is a specific problem for this group. It has been estimated that 20 to 25 per cent of all adult refugees who have arrived to Sweden during the recent years have experienced torture in their native countries. Swedish migrant and refugee policy operates according to a model of decentralisation, aiming to avoid ethnic segregation in the big city areas. However, the integration policy seems, in many instances, to have had a negative affect on the situation of the refugees. During the period of time, in which the refugees wait for a residence permit, they are not permitted to work. The long period of forced inactivity—in some instances up to a couple of years—seems frequently to have aggravated the health of the refugees. In addition it appears to contribute to the ever increasing animosity towards them.     

Actualizing the "Democratic Family"? Swedish Policy Rhetoric versus Family Practices

In this article, we examine empirically a key element of individualizationtheory—the democratic family. We do so using the "acidtest" of family policy, and family practice, in Sweden. First,we review the progress of family policy in Sweden since the1960s, which has expressly promoted an agenda of gender equalityand democracy in families, with individual autonomy for bothadults and children as one key element. We then turn to familypractice, looking particularly at negotiation and adult equality,lifelong parenting after separation, and children's autonomy.While Swedish policy makers and shapers seem to have developedthe idea of the democratic family long before the sociologistAnthony Giddens, the results in practice have been more ambivalent.While there has been change, there is more adaptation to pre-existinggender and generational norms.     

Source country culture and labor market assimilation of immigrant women in Sweden: evidence from longitudinal data

This paper analyzes the role of source country culture on gender roles for labor market assimilation of immigrant women in Sweden. Sweden ranks as one of the world’s most gender-equal countries and at the same time a recipient of many immigrants from countries with more traditional views on gender roles and gender equality. I find that the labor force participation of immigrant women in Sweden is related to their source country culture, in the sense that women from countries where women’s labor market participation is low (high) also have low (high) participation in the Swedish labor market. However, all immigrant women assimilate towards, but do not reach parity with, the participation rate of native women, and the difference between women from high- and low-participation countries diminishes with length of residence in Sweden. This indicates that source country culture on gender roles does not have a persistent effect on immigrant women’s labor market participation in Sweden. Furthermore, the results highlight the importance of taking into account unobservable time-constant individual and source country factors when estimating the relationship between source country culture and immigrants’ labor market outcomes. Neglecting to control for these factors could lead researchers to misrepresent the rate of assimilation and overstate the effect of source country culture.     

A new model of coalition formation

In this paper, a new model of multidimensional coalition formation in politics is presented. The model provides an opportunity to analyze a number of different kinds of issues at the same time. A policy space consists of a finite number of independent sub-spaces (policy spaces on certain issues), which can be multidimensional. Any policy sub-space on a certain sub-issue can be either a Euclidean space or (in principle) any other type of set. So, it is possible to include issues which cannot be represented by a Euclidean space or a fixed sum. A government is defined as a pair consisting of a majority coalition and a policy supported by this coalition. The majority coalition may be not minimal winning. Each party is allowed to give one qualification to a policy on a certain issue and to a majority coalition: desirable of a certain degree, acceptable, or unacceptable. By representing party preferences the way we do, we can include both rent-seeking and idealistic motivations in one consistent model. We define the value of a policy/coalition/government to a party, and the notions of a feasible and stable policy/coalition/government. The model uses party preferences in order to predict government policy. Necessary and sufficient conditions for the existence and uniqueness of a stable government are investigated. Moreover, some alternative definitions of a stable government are introduced, and relations between these definitions and the chosen definition of a stable government are established.For Agnieszka Rusinowska the research for this paper was done during a stay as a Marie Curie fellow at Tilburg University, Department of Philosophy.