消费主义视阈下“90后”大学生的国家认同与政治认同

消费主义作为一种"去意识形态"的意识形态,通过形而下的生活方式和消费内容,不同程度地影响和削弱当代大学生的国家、民族认同与政治认同,降低民族凝聚力、向心力、整合力,并进而影响到国家统一、民族团结和政治安定。因此,必须从意识形态安全、国家软实力等方面考虑,重视消费主义对大学生的国家认同、民族认同和政治认同方面的影响,从学校教育、家庭教育、社会教育和自我教育四个方面完善和提高大学生的国家认同、民族认同与政治认同,抵御消费主义文化的消极影响。     

青年农民工的身份认同和政治参与

在城市化过程中,青年农民工面临着身份危机。为了实现身份认同,青年农民工需要进行身份重塑,经由身份重塑实现身份认同是青年农民工个体获得明确身份地位的一次飞跃。除了实现身份认同,青年农民工还应通过政治参与的方式来融入社会,获得社会认同。由身份认同到社会认同是青年农民工在社会化过程中的第二次飞跃。     

从《十亿之夜》看后现代语境下身份认同的复杂性

认同问题是当今世界的热点,而跨越不同国家和文化的女性写作所寻求的身份认同往往是多元认同的结合。本文力图通过对在阿拉伯国家甚至在西方世界都享有盛名的作家嘉黛最重要的作品之一《十亿之夜》的介绍,探讨后现代语境下身份认同的复杂性。     

Gender,Nation, Rape: Bosnia and the Construction of Security

The mass rapes in Bosnia brought gendered security problems onto the international agenda to an unprecedented extent. This article examines the debate surrounding whether these rapes should be characterized as a security problem which warranted international attention and possibly intervention. This debate evolved around the question whether wartime rape should be understood as an individual risk or a collective security problem;and whether it should be defined in national or in gendered terms. The empirical part of the article analyses the three dominant representations of the Bosnian mass rapes: 'rape as normal/Balkan warfare' argued that rape did not constitute a collective security problem and the international community had therefore no reason or responsibility to intervene; the "rape as exceptional/Serbian warfare" representation read the rapes through national lenses and argued that the international community should intervene militarily in defence of the Bosnian government; and the third representation, "Balkan patriarchy", claimed the privileged of a gendered reading of the rapes, the conflict in Bosnian should, according to this discourse, be understood as involving women on the one side and the patriarchal nationalistic leaderships on the other. The article concludes that the political impact of each of the representations is difficult to assess, but that the willingness of the International Crime Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to pursue rape-related indictments constitutes an important step towards the recognition of wartime rape as a collective security problem.     

基于智能网络的党外青年知识分子政治引领策略

从政治认同感、政治信任感、政治效能感、社会主义核心价值观、宗教信仰等方面对党外青年知识分子的政治思想和网络政治引领状况进行的调查发现,党外青年知识分子思想观念和价值倾向呈现鲜明的实用性,引领对象组织复杂致其政治思想意识呈现较大的不平衡性,教育背景不同致其政治理念呈现多元化和差异化,网络政治公共服务和产品供给不足,协同教化机制缺乏。新时代应明晰党委领导责任机制,构建新媒体、融媒体等多维媒体矩阵平台,发挥技术优势,建章立制,发挥其政治引领功能。     

Social Identity and its Influence on Women's Roles in East-Central Europe

An apparent drop in women's presence in the political sphere has spawned debates in the feminist literature over the need and cultural appropriateness of women's political office-holding in East-Central Europe. The author discusses the nature of political participation in light of women's self-definition, social identity, and loci of commitments in these transforming states. Taking their own value orientations and the societal processes they experience as a baseline from which to appraise political and social change, women in East-Central Europe feel disillusioned with the transition to a market economy and the ideological framework out of which it functions. They have, after all, disproportionately borne the ill-effects of the new ideology of efficiency and productivity in the workforce and they perceive the political arena as a narrowly defined arena of partisan rancoring that does not address their needs. Pointing to Dahl's work on moral civic virtue, the author argues that the orientation and values of women in East-Central Europe – i.e. a commitment to justice and preference for localized, pragmatic (not ideological) and particularistic action – are especially conducive to developing the moral civic infrastructure so badly needed in these transitioning countries. The author discusses the merits and drawbacks of three possible scenarios for action for the women of this region: maintaining the status quo; using women's traditional and preferred forms of action to effect change 'from the bottom'; and taking frontal action at the national level against inequities and discriminatory policies.     

认同嵌入：网络社会大学生政治社会化的非均衡互构

大学生政治社会化是大学生社会化的重要组成部分,网络的迅速发展为大学生政治社会化提供了崭新的领域。网络社会环境下展开大学生政治社会化的研究是建立在深入分析网络社会内涵的基础上,结合对大学生政治社会化的实证调研,分析网络社会大学生政治社会化的现状,并从角色认同和群体意识的角度分析网络社会大学生政治社会化的挑战与机遇。     

阿拉伯民族身份认同的文本学分析

文本被视为一种记忆。本文以《一千零一夜》为例,从文本学分析的角度,探索《夜》反映的阿拉伯伊斯兰帝国鼎盛时期——阿拔斯王朝前期的社会风貌、文化背景和价值观念。通过故事的表征分析,我们看到,《夜》的民族身份认同本质上是以阿拉伯—伊斯兰文化为同一性,并以伊斯兰教为核心思想,"阿拉伯人"不再仅仅限于种族和血统含义,而是包含了宗教和文化概念,甚至以"穆斯林"的宗教身份涵盖"阿拉伯人"的民族身份。     

Communicating Global Activism

Many observers doubt the capacity of digital media to change the political game. The rise of a transnational activism that is aimed beyond states and directly at corporations, trade and development regimes offers a fruitful area for understanding how communication practices can help create a new politics. The Internet is implicated in the new global activism far beyond merely reducing the costs of communication, or transcending the geographical and temporal barriers associated with other communication media. Various uses of the Internet and digital media facilitate the loosely structured networks, the weak identity ties, and the patterns of issue and demonstration organizing that define a new global protest politics. Analysis of various cases shows how digital network configurations can facilitate: permanent campaigns; the growth of broad networks despite relatively weak social identity and ideology ties; transformation of individual member organizations and whole networks; and the capacity to communicate messages from desktops to television screens. The same qualities that make these communication-based politics durable also make them vulnerable to problems of control, decision-making and collective identity.     

A TEMPLE FOR THE NATION: REDESIGNING A COMMON SYMBOLIC SPACE OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONSERVATISM

In the wake of ‘1989», the redefinition of a common European identity and national identities turned the symbolic representation of these identities into a major issue of political debates. Especially the construction of conservative and right-wing-populist politics in a redefined central European region relies on a symbolic redefinition of national identities in the frame of and in conflict with the design of a common European political culture. Examples are based on an analysis of the symbolic representation of politics, as the image design of the Austrian ‘Wende»-government (2000-2002), the symbolic representation of Forza Italia and the image-construction of Berlusconi, as well as the cultural representation of the former Hungarian government (1998-2002). The contribution proposes a reconstruction of a common right-wing conservative (political) culture and its representation in the region under the notion of ‘neo-patriotism».     

网络异化与大学生国家认同教育

网络异化是指由网络技术带来的人的异化。在新时期,网络异化引发并加剧了大学生的国家认同危机,对大学生的国家认同教育造成了极大的负面影响。这就要求我们努力消解网络异化,在新的网络环境中建构一种全新的国家认同教育模式。     

Narratives of "Home" and "Homeland": The Symbolic Construction and Appropriation of the Sudeten German Heimat

Sport is an important arena for the construction, maintenance, and challenging of identities. This article aims to explore, using a figurational sociological perspective, the complex inter-relationship between sport, culture, and national identity with particular reference to rugby union in Ireland. The theoretical framework for the analysis of national identity put forward here seeks to make sense of national identity by considering a series of key "processual" social dynamics to shed light and raise questions on the dynamic double-bind between sport and national identity. A case study of rugby union in Ireland since 1945 is employed here to demonstrate how various sources of evidence can be "triangulated" to help unravel the relationship between rugby union and a specific "nation." Rugby union (as a global team sport now with a recognised and established World Cup) is arguably the most significant sporting arena whereby the imagined community of Ireland can become "real." This temporary union of two politically distinct nations through sport provides an interesting context for the researcher of national identity. This context will be explored by considering "official" historical accounts of Irish rugby, British media portraits of Irish rugby union, and the views of contemporary international Irish rugby players.     

Making Sense of a Transnational Merger: Media Texts and the (Re)construction of Power Relations

In this study of symbolic power relations in a transnational merger, we suggest that the popular media can provide a significant arena for (re)constructing national identities and power in this kind of dramatic industrial restructuring, and are an under-utilized source of empirical data in research studies. Focusing on the press coverage of a recent Swedish-Finnish merger, we specify and illustrate a particular feature of discursive (re)construction of asymmetric power relations; superior (Swedish) and inferior (Finnish) national identities, which, we argue, are embedded in the history of colonization and domination between the two nations. The findings of the present study lead us to suggest that a lens taken from post-colonial theory is particularly useful in understanding the wider symbolic power implications of international industrial restructuring.     

Placing Gender in Social Work: The Local and National Dimensions of Gender Relations

This paper argues that as well as being sensitive to wider discourses of gender relations, social workers need to consider the ways in which gender is localised. It is argued that to some extent gender practices vary according to local culture, that gendered identities are often localised and that social workers tend to construct their clients according to images of local men and women. These images tend to be stereotypical but some do also reflect dominant local gendered practices. The paper draws on data from qualitative interviews with social workers and probation officers, as well as the experience of teaching social work students, to illustrate these arguments. Whilst it is argued that the localising of gender is of general relevance, the data come from Wales alone. The author's conclusion is that (amongst other things) anti‐oppressive practice involves recognising the important influence of local stereotypes and challenging them, whilst also acknowledging that gendered practices do vary from place to place.     

中东地区清真寺功能的演变

清真寺是伊斯兰教最重要的建筑物，其功能随着历史发展而不断演变。中古时期的清真寺以宗教功能为基础，兼具社会、政治和文化功能，在穆斯林生活中占据核心地位；近代以来，清真寺保持和加强民族认同以及提供情感依托和社会支持的功能得到强化，大众动员功能逐渐增强。这些功能在全球化时代得到进一步发展，在一定程度上缓解了全球化引起的伊斯兰国家民族认同危机、经济结构面临调整、人口跨国流动增加等压力。     

Public relations (PR) in nation-building: An exploration of the South African presidential discourse

This research explored public relations strategies employed in the presidential discourses for building relationships among South Africans in a democracy. This was done through analyzing political discourses of the three South African Presidents since 1994–2009 of Mandela, Mbeki and Zuma. A comparative discourse analysis was used to examine five important dimensions in political discourses concerning nation-building. Different themes were identified: relationship managing, democracy, national identity, and national development. Additionally, an exploratory discourse analysis was conducted to further investigate the characteristics of the presidential political discourses on nation-building. These analyses in the present research provide contributions to foster cooperation, developing a common national identity agenda and social cohesion using political campaign strategies, particularly for government, policymakers and public relations practitioners (PRP's), government communication practitioners, who strive to build a better relationship between government and the public.     

青年是推动社会进步和托举“中国梦”的重要力量

青年作为一种社会承前启后、富有生命力和创造力的代群,是未来社会的主干,是推动社会进步的重要力量。"中国梦"和青年梦是相辅相成的,青年梦是"中国梦"的一个重要组成部分。青年一代是实现"中国梦"的重要力量,青年对国家认同度上升是实现"中国梦"的基础。中国特色社会主义事业是面向未来的事业,需要一代又一代青年的努力奋斗。实现"中国梦"应将青年优先发展作为国家重要战略。     

Leadership in Social Work Education and the Social Change Model of Leadership

Leadership is a topic of international debate in both social work education and practice. Questions remain, however, regarding what specific models of leadership should be emphasized and how leadership content should be infused within the social work curriculum. This paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing discussion about the infusion of leadership within social work education. Specifically, this paper shares the design and development of a graduate-level social work course in program evaluation that infused education around the social change model of leadership (SCM) and then explores qualitatively how 39 graduate students interpreted and applied this model of leadership through an experiential community-based evaluation project. Findings of this study suggest that students utilized the values identified in the SCM in a range of ways to understand and interpret their leadership experience both in their collaborative groups and in their partnerships with community-based organizations. Community organizations also reported benefiting from the experience in partnership with the students. Implications are discussed in relation to the potential value and impact of this model for social work education.     

信任缺失:新生代农民工身份建构与政治认同

新生代农民工城市融入的本质是新生代农民工与城市市民、城市社会组织及政治的互动与认同,这种互动与认同以信任为基础。其中人际信任、组织信任与政治信任分别构成新生代农民工身份建构的基础、融入城市的社会资本与政治认同的基础。由于当前社会人际信任缺失、组织信任匮乏与政治信任偏低,导致新生代农民工陷入身份建构与政治认同困境。因此只有通过修复新生代农民工的人际信任、增进其组织信任、重构政治信任方能构建起积极的身份认同。     

发展大学生领导力教育的瓶颈及对策

世界各国的经验表明,高校开展大学生领导力教育有利于大学生更好地适应未来不断变化发展的现代社会。近些年,我国也开始关注大学生领导力教育问题,但在发展大学生领导力教育过程中存在定位有失偏颇、理解不够全面、教育资源的开发与利用不足等三大瓶颈。为此,对大学生领导力教育进行恰当定位,从大学生成长成才的角度出发开展领导力教育。探索大学生领导力教育长效机制显得十分紧迫和必要。