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1.
Jack Niemonen 《The American Sociologist》2010,41(1):48-81
This paper identifies the common themes in 245-plus refereed articles on whiteness studies that were published in academic
journals after 1992 in an attempt to assess the implications of whiteness studies for the discipline of sociology. Of special
interest is the relationship between whiteness studies and Michael Burawoy’s call for public sociology. I argue that the emerging
field of whiteness studies identifies itself as a public sociology that is infused by the moral vision of critical sociology.
Nevertheless, the field does not accept professional sociology as Burawoy defined it. The ontological, epistemological, and
soteriological foundations of whiteness studies encourage the field to pander to one segment of the public—the marginalized—and
condemn another segment of the public—“privileged whites,” thus rendering impossible a democratic dialogue on one of the most
basic social issues of our time. Conflating Western epistemology with whiteness encourages a misreading of American social
scientific work on race relations, thus opening the door to a so-called hermeneutics of suspicion. The result is not an innocuous
“pop” sociology, but a partisan sociology, whose implications should caution sociologists against an uncritical embracing
of public sociology. 相似文献
2.
Tymen J. van der Ploeg 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》1995,6(3):255-274
This paper compares legal approaches to foundations in six economically well-developed democracies (USA, England and Wales,
Germany, Austria, France and the Netherlands). ‘Foundations’ refers to ‘non-governmental, non-membership, organisations, recognised
as a legal category with a purpose in the general interest’. This covers the common field of the common law's charity and
the civil law's foundation as a legal person. The countries organise public supervision of foundations in very different ways.
Mostly there is governmental involvement or involvement of an independent body in the establishment and governmental supervision
of foundations in action. In a few cases, the supervisory power—concerning the foundations' activities, not their establishment—is
with judicial authorities. Access to information of foundations (registration) and possible requests for sanctions by interested
parties are also rather different. Not all rules are in accordance with the freedom of organisation and some are less desirable.
The conclusion is that a balance between the freedom of the foundation (board), the protection of the public order and the
protection of the interests of others can be found in a system with systematic supervision at the establishment- and later
practice—by governmental or independent authorities or in a system with good registration and incidental supervision by judicial
authorities, also at the request of interested parties. Both have their advantages and disadvantages. 相似文献
3.
In this article, I attempt to address some enduring problems in formulation and practical use of the notion of structure in
contemporary social science. I begin by revisiting the question of the fidelity of Anthony Giddens’ appropriation of the idea
of structure with respect to Levi-Strauss. This requires a reconsideration of Levi-Strauss’ original conceptualization of
“social structure” which I argue is a sort of “methodological structuralism” that stands sharply opposed to Giddens’ ontological
reconceptualization of the notion. I go on to show that Bourdieu’s contemporaneous critique of Levi-Strauss is best understood
as an attempt to recover rather than reject the central implication of Levi-Strauss’ methodological structuralism, which puts
Bourdieu and Giddens on clearly distinct camps in terms of their approach toward the idea of structure. To demonstrate the—insurmountable—conceptual
difficulties inherent in the ontological approach, I proceed by critically examining what I consider to be the most influential
attempt to resolve the ambiguities in Giddens structuration theory: Sewell’s argument for the “duality of structure.” I show
that by retaining Giddens’ ontological focus, Sewell ends up with a notion of structure that is at its very core “anti-structuralist”
or only structuralist in a weak sense. I close by considering the implications of the analysis for the possibility of developing
the rather neglected “methodological structuralist” legacy in contemporary social analysis. 相似文献
4.
V. Conclusions The empirical evidence is strong that minimum wages have had little or no effect on poverty in the U.S. Indeed,
the evidence is stronger that minimum wages occasionally increase poverty. It also suggests that the minimum wage does not
even lower poverty for the one group that, almost by definition, one would expect to be helped: full-time, year-round workers.
While the empirical results suggest minimum wages do not achieve what is ostensibly their primary goal — relieving poverty
among the working poor — minimum wages do seem to impose a real cost on society in terms of lost income and output. The empirical
evidence on work hours suggests that a $1 increase in the minimum wage, far from being almost costless, could conceivably
impose income losses to American workers in the $12-15 billion range per year — an amount equal to the “income deficit” of
millions of persons counted as poor by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. 相似文献
5.
Bradley S. Wimmer 《Journal of Labor Research》1996,17(1):211-214
Card and Krueger’s (1994) result that employment is unaffected by an increase in the minimum wage in the franchised fast-food
restaurant industry appears to be inconsistent with conventional economic analysis. I take a closer look at the franchised
fast-food industry and argue that the presence of brand-name capital does not allow franchisees to substitute away from labor
or decrease the level of services provided to customers — employment levels in franchised fast-food restaurants are closely
tied to sales. 相似文献
6.
Chantelle Marlor 《Qualitative sociology》2010,33(4):513-531
This paper explores inherent tensions between two democratic ideals: citizen representation and accountability of the state.
Specifically, I argue that the method by which state officials make themselves accountable—through their creation of the appearance
of transparency—results in the exclusion of alternative, non-scientific ways of knowing, including those that are gendered,
local and indigenous, because these ways of knowing often employ non-standardized methods which are not “transparent” in the
same way as science and therefore easily dismissed by state officials as indefensible to citizens’ questioning. I explore
this tension by drawing on examples from ethnographic work I completed with two groups of knowledge practitioners, Kwakwaka’wakw
First Nations (Native American) traditional marine harvesters and government biologists, both of whom work with clams. 相似文献
7.
Alasdair Marshall Richard Telofski Udechukwu Ojiako Maxwell Chipulu 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2012,23(2):371-391
The purpose of this article is to develop a theory which frames the demands of civil society in such a way as to better enable
corporate subjects to manage and navigate ‘irregular’ engagement from activist organizations. Activist NGOs engage in advocacy
at times by mounting, facilitating or encouraging popular social campaigns and actions against targeted corporations. In many
cases, radical ‘direct action’ tactics are adopted, taking such approaches, NGOs may capitalise on the broader, more ethically
diverse strategic possibilities open to them than are available to their corporate adversaries. We employ institutional theory
to map out this asymmetric distribution of strategic possibility. We theorise NGOs and corporate subjects as effectively ‘competing’
with one another to maximise their own strategic possibilities and to minimise those of their opponents, in the perennial
battle for hearts and minds that plays out between NGOs, corporate subjects, and broader civil society actors who ultimately
determine boundary rules for NGO-corporate conflict. Within this context we explore the normative challenge arising from the
possibility that corporate subjects might seek to tip the competitive balance by learning from how the military has adapted
to successfully engage with ‘irregular’ adversaries through what is often termed ‘asymmetric’ or ‘irregular’ warfare. Should
corporations follow a similar adaptive process, by mirroring the ‘irregular’ strategies of activist groups? Drawing evidence
from the military experience, we suggest—perhaps counter intuitively—that such adaptations can create new opportunities for
conflict resolution and for building sustainable cooperation between former adversaries. 相似文献
8.
Employment growth in the temporary help supply industry 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
During the 1980s, a significant increase occurred in the employment of temporary workers — employees hired for a specific
task and for a limited duration — because of changing economic conditions that raised both the demand for and supply of temporary
workers. Using time-series data, we investigate the factors that influenced temporary employment growth by analyzing the expansion
in the temporary help supply (THS) industry. On the demand side, increasing aggregate output and heightened foreign competition
were the most important factors that encouraged firms to hire temporary workers. On the supply side, increasing participation
of certain demographic groups, notably married women, shifted the supply curve of temporary workers outward.
We thank Nathan Balke, Bonnie Fisher, and Jeff Mills for helpful comments. 相似文献
9.
Amani M. Kandil 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》1995,6(3):345-354
This paper is an exploration of research funding by western, local and Islamic foundations in the Arab world. Arab and Islamic
foundations supporting research present a very recent phenomenon, so their numbers are limited and basic institutional traditions
are still being developed. At the same time, they do have their own ‘ideologies’ and their own experiences which are not the
same as those of the West. The findings in this paper are largely drawn from three case studies of foundations in the Arab
world. There are several differences among the cases, although all of them are acting as non-profit organisations funding
research work and making grants to individuals and institutions. It is difficult to compare precisely the contribution of
the three foundations in all aspects of grant-making, but we can build the comparison on the scope of activities and their
final contributions in education and culture. This paper closes with a discussion of potential research agenda on the future
role of foundations in this part of the world. 相似文献
10.
Merton’s Sociology 215-216 Course 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Robert M. Marsh 《The American Sociologist》2010,41(2):99-114
For many years, Robert K. Merton taught a famous, year-long graduate course at Columbia called The Analysis of Social Structures.
His lectures have been recalled for their dazzling intellectual effects by those who took the course, but none of these former
students has described what Merton actually said in specific lectures. I do this now, using my extensive lecture notes from
1952–53 when I took it for credit, and from later years when I sat in on the course. The core of the course at that time was
Merton’s Paradigm for Functional Analysis in Sociology. Each concept in the paradigm—subjective dispositions, objective consequences,
functional requirements, structural constraints, etc.—was elaborated in its relationship to a wide variety of sociological
problems in the published theoretical and empirical literature. I also recount how Merton’s relationship to Talcott Parsons
appeared to us in the course. 相似文献
11.
Michael Lynch 《The American Sociologist》2012,43(1):67-75
This essay is an appreciation of Melvin Pollner’s distinctive sociological approach to topics that are usually associated
with philosophy. Pollner’s dissertation and early writings took up the theme of “mundane reason,” which he defined as an incorrigible
presumption of a real world that is implicit in everyday conduct. Pollner addressed mundane reason, and the reciprocal idea
of “reality disjunctures”—momentary divergences between perceptual accounts of the “same” mundane reality—by describing routine
exchanges in traffic court and confrontations between doctors and patients in psychiatric settings. Pollner’s work anticipated
current enthusiasms for developing novel “ontologies” in social and cultural studies of science, medicine, and other subjects.
Although he did attempt to locate metaphysics in the midst of everyday experience, this essay suggests that his “philosophy
on the ground” radically transformed philosophical ontology into an original and imaginative way to investigate constitutive
activities. 相似文献
12.
Raymond J. Michalowski 《Qualitative sociology》1996,19(1):59-82
This paper explores the ways in which geo-political forces can shape doing, interpreting, and representing ethnographic field
work. Using my field work in a law collective in Havana, Cuba between 1989 and 1994 as a starting point, I consider how macro-social
relationship—in this case 30 years of political hostility between the U.S. and Cuban governments—can inscribe themselves on
the micro-social relations between ethnographers and informants in the field, and ethnographers and their audiences at home.
The combination of geo-political tensions and reflexive attempts to discern the impact of these tensions on my field work
generated, what I term, disciplinary anxietyand discursive anxiety.I consider how anxieties became part of my reflexive routines in the field, shaped my interactions with Cubans, colored my
attempts to interpret those interactions, and affected my framing of those interpretations for audiences at home. I suggest
that reflexivity in fieldwork must be sensitive, not only to the standpoints imbedded in the field worker's biography, but
also to the way in which macro-political processes enter into the biographies of field workers, their informants, and their
audiences, and influence the interactions among them. 相似文献
13.
This article analyzes the processes taking place in the “post-Soviet space”—the former Soviet Union. This notion is viewed
as a special historical phenomenon implying not only common territory but also political, economic, cultural, mental, civil,
and other mutual ties inherited from the past. The social and political nature of the “post-Soviet space” is fast-changing
due to the impact of three interrelated factors: economic (the difference in economic potentials and the resource base, the
increasing dependence on fluctuations in prices for basic export commodities in the global market, and the weak domestic markets);
political (a new kind of conflicts between former Soviet republics, the instability of the political-party systems, the immaturity
of civil society, and the growth of authoritarian trends); and international one (the region is a crossroads of the geopolitical
interests of the world’s major players—Russia, the United States, the European Union and China). The vital importance of this
space for Russia causes it to pursue an active policy in this region. 相似文献
14.
Sarah E. Bohn 《Review of Economics of the Household》2010,8(1):29-51
Since immigration to the US began to accelerate in the 1970s, economic and social policy issues surrounding immigration frequently
raise concern and generate debate. These policy debates often aim to mitigate the costs of immigration and augment the benefits.
Key to this is understanding the characteristics of immigrants, especially those related to economic success and integration.
A commonly accepted finding in the economic literature regards the declining economic “quality” of successive immigrant cohorts
as measured by differences in entry wages across cohorts. In this paper, I refine our understanding of immigrant cohort quality.
I show that increasing competition in the labor market among immigrants can explain a significant portion of declining “quality”.
This result suggests that labor market interactions are as important to immigrant economic integration as their inherent “quality”. 相似文献
15.
Hendrik Jürges 《Review of Economics of the Household》2006,4(4):299-323
The paper studies the relevance of gender ideology for the geographic mobility of families using data from the German Socio-economic
Panel. The analysis proceeds in two steps. First, it is shown that single men and women—who are in some sense “unconstrained”
optimizers—reveal identical mobility patterns. There are no fundamental gender differences in the inter-regional mobility
of German singles. Second, I focus on dual-earner households and split this group into “traditional” and “egalitarian” couples
using information on their factual division of housework rather than their reported gender ideology. Separate migration analyses
for both groups reveal important differences indicating the significance of gender ideology in families’ migration behavior:
job-related characteristics of men statistically dominate those of women in traditional couples, whereas in egalitarian couples,
male and female characteristics have the same effect on family migration behavior, i.e. there is no gender bias. Failure to
account for the heterogeneity in gendered family roles across families thus misses an important explanatory factor in migration
research.
相似文献
16.
Chiara Daniela Pronzato 《Review of Economics of the Household》2009,7(4):341-360
This paper investigates the role of the extended parental leave in the return to work for mothers of newborn children. Exploiting
the variability in policies offered by the European countries, the paper studies the influence of statutory leave characteristics—length
of the job-protection and payments during the leave-period—on the hazard of returning to work at different ages of the child.
Results suggest that longer periods of job-protection increase the hazard of returning to work; on the other hand, providing
paid leaves increases the probability of remaining at home during the first year of life of the child. 相似文献
17.
Louis N. Christofides 《Journal of Labor Research》1982,3(3):359-365
With discontinuous, front-loaded, revisions in nominal wage rates during wage contracts, compensation against anticipated
inflation requires a coefficient α on anticipated inflation in Phillips-type equations α=(2n − 1)/2n, where n is the number
of wage revisions. Finite n implies α<1 despite the complete absence of money illusion. In a multiperiod context, conventional
equations produce values of α which exceed (fall short of) unity during periods of decelerating (accelerating) inflation —
α will approximate unity during constant inflation. A modified Phillips equation is proposed which removes this sample specificity
but maintains the dependence of α on n.
I am indebted to Clive Southey and an anonymous referee for helpful suggestions. 相似文献
18.
Scott Vrecko 《Theory and Society》2010,39(5):555-573
This article analyzes changing formations of global and everyday culture—particularly those associated with health, medicine,
and consumption—through a concrete investigation of the development and use of anti-obesity medications. The first half of
the article elucidates some of the new local-global connections being forged between fat bodies and global orders by situating
the production and circulation of a new class of such medications within a sociotechnical assemblage that includes, among
other elements, scientific research, transnational corporations, overweight individuals and populations, and the internet.
The second half of the article explores the forms of local and everyday pharmaceutical practice associated with these medications.
Drawing upon in-depth interviews with medication users, I demonstrate that while biomedical models focus on the physiological
and psychological effects of drug interventions, the significance of the medications in practices of everyday life is largely
socio-spatial. I suggest that these medication provide a means of protecting individuals from a hostile modern environment—the
obesogenic landscape of hyperconsumption—and argue that the practices associated with the use of obesity medications can be
understood as part of the work of accommodating and reproducing contemporary consumer and capitalist culture. 相似文献
19.
Natália Pimenta Monteiro Miguel Portela Odd Rune Straume 《Journal of Labor Research》2011,32(3):210-236
In this paper we analyse—theoretically and empirically—how the degree of private versus public ownership of firms affects
the degree of rent sharing between firms and their workers. Using a particularly rich linked employer-employee dataset from
Portugal, covering a large number of corporate ownership changes across a wide spectrum of economic sectors over more than
20 years, we find that rent sharing is significantly higher in firms with a larger share of private ownership. Estimates from
our most preferred empirical specification suggest that an increase in the private ownership share of 10 percentage points
increases (on average) the rent-sharing elasticity by 0.0002. Based on a theoretical analysis that incorporates union-firm
wage bargaining and efficiency wage effects within the same modelling framework, this result cannot be explained by private
firms being more profit oriented than public ones. However, the result is consistent with a scenario whereby privatisation
leads to less job security for workers, implying stronger efficiency wage effects. 相似文献
20.
Andrew W. Martin 《Journal of Labor Research》2006,27(2):163-185
In the 1990s the labor movement underwent a major transformation in an attempt to confront the challenges facing organized
labor, most notably a precipitous membership decline— in the private sector, membership is currently at a post-Great Depression
low. Despite the enthusiastic response among unionists and scholars alike to this revitalization project, as Zald and Berger
(1978) note, change within formal organizations is often a contentious process, as competing interests struggle for control.
The current labor movement is no exception: Significant conflict surrounds the issue of new organizing activities. While this
period is certainly interesting for the level of open debate occurring over the future of the movement, it is not unique as
a time of heightened tensions among unionists. Herein I describe debates, both historical and present, over organizing goals
and tactics. In order to draw parallels between the past and present, I offer a theoretical account of why organizing is such
a controversial topic. Initial support for these explanations, drawn from quotes from unionists and observers of the movement
alike, indicates that the current turmoil in the labor movement is similar to that which occurred in other important periods
and that the consequences of the decisions made today regarding organizing can have significant ramifications for the movement’s
future. 相似文献