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This article examines the activities of Jane Addams and the Progressive party campaign for President of the United States in 1912. Using primary and secondary data, the article addresses the many decisions and challenges faced by Addams and supporters of Progressive party candidate, Theodore Roosevelt. In particular, I focus on the ways in which issues associated with race, class, and gender shaped the election and Addams' experience within it and the ways in which, despite their apparent differences, Addams was able to support and actively campaign for Roosevelt. Moreover, I examine the struggles of Progressives to define themselves outside the parameters of Socialism in 1912 and the role by played by red-baiting in that effort. In sum, this article seeks to develop a deeper understanding of Addams, the settlement-house movement, and Progressivism and to elevate in importance the 1912 election for President in that larger history.  相似文献   

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NGOs and Organizational Change: Discourse, Reporting, and Learning, by Alnoor Ebrahim. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. $55.00 hardcover, $35.00 paperback  相似文献   

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Hope is a crucial component of agency involving the setting of goals, visualization of obstacles, and increasing willpower in the effort of achieving a desired goal. This hope is not simply optimism and is potentially a bridge between structure and agency. Yet, the powers of hope in sociology have been greatly unexplored including the ability of collective hope to create social change. This lack of hope is particularly poignant in environmental sociology as the sub-discipline looks for solutions to some of the greatest challenges humanity and the planet faces. This article discusses the undercurrent of pessimism in environmental sociology and calls for the integration of hope as it is necessary for generating potential social environmental change.  相似文献   

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Despite longstanding traditions of tolerance, inclusion, and democracy in the USA, dissident citizens and social movements have experienced significant and sustained – although often subtle and difficult-to-observe – repression. Using mechanism-based social movement theory, I explore a range of twentieth-century episodes of contention, involving such groups as mid-century communists, the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, and the modern-day Global Justice Movement. Cracking open the black box of state repression, I demonstrate how four interactive social mechanisms – Resource Depletion, Stigmatization, Divisive Disruption, and Intimidation – animate state repression. A fifth mechanism – Emulation – diffuses the effects of these four Mechanisms of Repression. First I delineate a typology of state actions that suppress dissent. Then I shift analytically from these ten actions to the Mechanisms of Repression, explaining how these mechanisms work. Drawing on scholarship from an array of fields, and pulling data from a variety of sources, I explain how the state has engaged in activity that – operating through social mechanisms – inhibits collective action, either through raising the costs or minimizing the benefits of mobilization.  相似文献   

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This paper uses Freirean theory and field studies of counter-globalist campaigns to add greater lucidity and normative deliberateness to our understanding of resistance to neo-liberal globalism. A difficult tension exists between complete submersion in movement struggles, versus a mythical position of objective analytic detachment. We sketch out the basis for a productive dialogue between these two competing pulls of political engagement and analytic objectivity. To do this, we draw from the writings of Paulo Freire, a Brazilian thinker famous for his theories of popular education. Freire's writings have not seriously entered academic studies of globalization, even though activists in the ‘globalization-from-below’ camp frequently draw on his words for inspiration. We seek to remedy this omission, and construct a dialogue between Freire and social movement struggles on four dualisms centred on epistemology, normativity, methodology and strategy. In each dualism, we outline how Freirean concepts can help redefine these binaries as productive tensions to be developed, rather than conflicts to be suppressed. These insights are not intended as a theoretical injunctive delivered from upon high, but are used in dialogue with examples from global justice campaigns in order to clarify what is already taking place on the ground. Identifying Freirean priorities can also encourage openings for more emancipatory approaches to critical globalization scholarship. While academics cannot engineer resistance to neo-liberal globalism from the top down, they can contribute their research energy and resources, becoming more actively engaged in the process of envisaging alternatives.  相似文献   

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For years therapists have suggested that hope is an important catalyst in the process of change. This study takes a grounded theory approach to address the need for a clearer conceptualization of hope, and to place interventions that increase hope within a therapeutic context so that therapists know how and when to use those interventions. Fifteen active and experienced marriage and family therapists from across the United States participated in hour-long phone interviews about hope in couples therapy. Moving Up the Continuum of Hope emerged as the core category from the grounded theory analysis of the data. This category represents a process, with general and specific conditions and consequences that increase a couple’s level of hope. This study serves as a foundation for future process research on couples therapy, as well as research on hope in other contexts (e.g., individual and family therapy) and with other perspectives (e.g., clients).  相似文献   

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This paper presents an exploration of the concept of hope in clinical and developmental contexts. Traditionally, psychoanalytic theory has emphasized pathological aspects of development and, not surprisingly, the subject of hope has been neglected. Although the therapist's hope and how it impacts on the treatment is within the purview of the paper, the predominant focus is on the patient's hope and the dimension of mutuality in the treatment that fosters it. A case example is provided to illustrate the unfreezing (Winnicott, 1954) of unconscious hope in a phase of treatment I call the phoenix juncture. Connections are drawn between the capacity for reflection and hope. The paper concludes with a discussion of a view of hope as problematic or regressive, along with a selective literature review.  相似文献   

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Books reviewed in this article: Books Reviewed: J. Dunn 2000 The Cunning of Unreason: Making Sense of Politics R. D. Putnam 2000 Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community B. Parekh 2000 Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory J. Drysek 2000 Deliberative Democracy and Beyond  相似文献   

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Recent studies have shown that social "compassion" issues, andnot those directly linked to women’s interests, seem todrive the gender gap in presidential vote choice. Some of thesecompassion issues are associated with the plight of racial minoritiesin the media and in the minds of average citizens. Drawing ontheories of gender role socialization, we predict that traditionalpartisan stands on racial issues may help to explain the gendergap. Specifically, we hypothesize that the gap emerges becausemen and women react differently to cues about how compassionatecandidates are toward vulnerable social groups. In one experiment,we manipulate news information regarding George W. Bush’scommitment to blacks versus women. The gender gap is maximizedwhen Bush takes the traditional Republican stance, while itis reduced significantly when Bush espouses a more moderateposition. The gender gap is unaffected by variation in the positionthat Bush takes on women’s issues. In another experiment,we also find that the gender gap emerges when traditional partisanappeals are racialized. Finally, exposure to the 2000 RepublicanNational Convention, with its message of racial inclusion, boostedevaluations of Bush among women but not men.  相似文献   

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Europe received an unprecedented number of asylum seekers in 2015. This article examines Iraqi asylum seekers who journeyed through Europe in search of an idealized version of Finland, which they had imagined based on word-of-mouth and social media information. Through cognitive migration, the act of pre-experiencing futures in different locations, Finland was seen to offer both subjective hope of personal growth and advancement and objective hope of safety and physical security. This hope motivated them to embark on a journey of 6,000 kilometers to the European North. Based on interview data and relevant studies, the article concludes that hope of a better, imagined future abroad acts as a powerful magnet for persons with poor prospects in their countries of origin. Hope is a kind of critical emotion strongly shaped by beliefs and real-time opportunities; and as such, beliefs are notoriously difficult to change. Imagination, therefore, should not be overlooked when planning and implementing migration policies.  相似文献   

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This review article explores Jeffrey Alexander's cultural theory of political transformations. In his two recent works Performative Revolution in Egypt (2011) and The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power (2009), Alexander analyses the fall of President Hosni Mubarak and the rise of President Barack Obama, respectively. Alexander challenges the idea that revolutions depend primarily on the material conditions of a population, demographic changes, and the capacity of a group of contenders to gather material support for an overthrow. He also argues that the stagecraft of the political horserace matters for national elections. The strong versus weak dramaturgical performances of presidential candidates (rather than macroeconomic or geopolitical changes) proved consequential for changes in the poll numbers of Obama versus McCain, for example. Macroeconomic conditions had to be filtered, interpreted, and made meaningful; the candidate who could cast these material conditions onto the sacred side of civil discourse improved his likelihood of victory. Curiously, many social scientists and political pundits have largely taken performances for granted in the democratic struggle for power, and have therefore rendered the charismatic speeches and the grand narratives (culture) as epiphenomena, plays in the shadow of large structural shifts – a residual variable, or else as shifting, evanescent meanings produced in local, face‐to‐face settings. In the newer understanding, ‘culture’ is a level of analysis researchers use to investigate symbolic patterns and meaningful practices that structure how people act, how they define identities, even how they define what counts as ‘strategic’ or instrumental. Since the 1980s, sociologists working with this notion of culture have crafted different approaches to political culture, in national, organizational, and informal everyday arenas. Their different culture concepts carry different strengths and liabilities for research and they rely on different assumptions about action and meaning. This article reviews these arguments and asks what the limits to Alexander's performative theory are, how his theory can be reformulated to address settled versus unsettled political regimes, and how disaggregating Alexander's concept of audiences along with their roles in political change would provide the theory with greater predictive power.  相似文献   

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