Secularization and the politics of traditionalism: The case of the right-to-life movement

Research on the traditionalist movement against abortion needs alignment with currents in historical sociology, the theory of social movements and the sociology of politics. The religious (specifically, Christian) basis of the right-to-life movement has attracted considerable attention in the literature. The movement is seen as a traditionalist bloc claiming to oppose secularization and return to customary restrictions. However the tradition in question appears to be a recent social construction. There is slim warrant in the actual traditions of Western religion for asserting a categorical right to life. As a result, the movement's ideology is best approached as the product of—rather than the antidote to—secularizing processes (including the demographic transition, discourse about rights, markets for symbolic entrepreneurs and the separation of church and state) and possibly as an unintended import from non-Western religion. Implications for traditionalism, the functions of religion, and the study of countermovements are explored. This case illustrates the value of attending to historical sequences and the external cultural environments of social movements.     

The politics of health in the fourth world: a northern Canadian example

This paper describes the major structural and historical dimensions of health ideology and praxis in the Canadian Arctic. It examines the problems that occur when primary care services exclude their clients from meaningful involvement in planning and administration. It argues that the structure of health services in northern Canada reflects an internal colonial political economy which is characteristic of most Fourth World situations.     

In sickness and in health: The politics of public health and their implications during the COVID-19 pandemic

Politics is a major player in health, sickness, and death affairs. This article reviews the role of politics in public health and its impact on health outcomes, mortality ratios, and death scenarios amongst the most vulnerable populations. Furthermore, the article explains the reasons behind the absence of politics from health and public health discourses; and examines the role of politics during the mis/management of COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on Foucault's biopower, Mebmbe's necropolitics, and Butler's precarity, the article illuminates how public health policies are highly political insofar as they offer some individuals access to life but create possibilities of death for others. During COVID-19, politics enabled governors to put at risk the most vulnerable groups, the precariat, namely refugees, asylum seekers, stateless, and immigrants, the majority of whom were impoverished. The article presents COVID-19 as an example of a crisis that unmasks these politics, claiming that these politics are not new but rather a continuum of previous invisible policies that COVID-19 unmasked and intensified. The article describes how the politics of health entail privileging individuals with capital value who can benefit the state's interests and maintains its power.     

The politics of occupational health and safety: interviews with workers' health and safety representatives and company doctors

Cette étude examine les aspects de la production sociale des maladies professionnelles. Elle suggère que, définer les problèmes de maladies professionnelles principalement en termes d'agents toxiques à l'endroit du travail est mal à-propos. De plus, l'Etat et le régime médical ne peuvent être neutres dans leur médiation des conflits se rapportant aux conditions de santé et de sécurité professionnelles.
Se basant sur l'information obtenue auprès de représentants responsables de la santé et la sécurité des travailleurs, et de médecins de compagnies, en Ontario, l'étude met le point sur les obstacles auquels les travailleurs font face dans leur poursuite de ces questions. Ces obstacles relèvent du contrôle, par le capital, de la main-d'œuvre et de son évolution, de la manière dont l'Etat et le régime médical ont servi les intérêts des employeurs, et le peu d'importance, relatif, que les syndicats ont souvent accordéà la santé et la sécurité professionnelles.     

The politics of counting and reporting conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence: the case of Myanmar

ABSTRACT

Scholars, states and international organizations have begun to systematically count, document and compare sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in conflict-affected countries. Qualitative and quantitative studies point to a “tip of the iceberg” phenomenon, where there is a high prevalence but low level of actual reporting of SGBV. We investigate the conditions in which SGBV is reported or, more significantly, is not reported to discover the trends of reporting in politically oppressive environments where SGBV is thought to be occurring. We ask how the power to report in local conflict-affected areas is affected by national political tensions and pervasive gender discrimination. Reporting of SGBV in Myanmar, a country that has experienced multiple, protracted conflicts since independence, is examined. Analysis of open-access reports over a fifteen-year period reveals a pattern of silence that we argue is rooted in pervasive discriminatory civil and physical practices against women. Engaging with the deeply politicized and gender discriminatory context of conflict-affected societies enables us to see the anomalies of SGBV data and to highlight significant gaps in our knowledge about SGBV.     

Midwifery in Colorado: A case study in the politics of professionalization

This paper uses documentary evidence, interviews, and participant observation to examine the professionalizing activities of lay midwives in Colorado. It shows that professionalization for midwives is primarily a political process. In order to gain state recognition and professional autonomy, lay midwives were forced into the political arena, where they encountered resistance from economic competitors. I argue that medical dominance over childbirth practices and professional segmentation between lay midwives and certified nurse midwives were the primary reasons Colorado lay midwives failed to achieve professional status.I would thank the Colorado midwives for their cooperation in this study. My thanks also to the reviewers for their comments on earlier drafts.     

The population revolution: from population policies to reproductive health and women's rights politics

This article utilizes an oral history resource to document the transformation of population policies into women's focused practices and the perception that guided the major actors of this local revolution. The Population Control movement has been a powerful political and health movement that developed family planning to reduce population growth during the Cold War era. It relied upon philanthropic commitment before successfully becoming an official US policy from Nixon to Reagan. The anti-abortion controversies and political conservatism then diminished considerably the global acceptance of population policies. The revolution in population policies demanded a patient effort to conquer strategic positions and to develop new policies. Women program officers played a central role, along with prominent political figures. Most of the transformation occurred at the Cairo conference in 1994, where moderate population experts and feminists came to a compromise. This study finally focuses on the repercussions of the new reproductive health agenda in the population field.     

The right to be different: Multiculturalism and the racialization of scandinavian welfare politics; The case of Denmark

‘Multiculturalism’ as an influential ideology for structuring ethnic relations has become exposed to increasing critique also in the Scandinavian context. The paper discusses a racialized political debate, legislation, and institutional practices, taking Denmark as the prime example. An increasingly ‘dual welfare’ is becoming legitimized through a hegemonic culturalized language, consistently interpreting ‘the right to be different’ as ‘being different’, and ‘being different’ as being ‘non‐integrated’. In a society where public debate on ethnic and racial discrimination is less than rudimentary, tolerant claims of multiculturalist relativism are effectively turned upside down in the service of neo‐racism, the preachings of which are imperceptibly becoming adopted as the conventional wisdom. This calls for a discussion on ‘politics of recognition’ which brings the debate on the universalism and particularity out of the abstract, while focusing on the vicissitudes of contemporary democracy in a changing welfare state.     

Rumour and decertification in exile politics: evidence from the Egyptian case

ABSTRACT

Does exile affect activism and if so how? In this paper, the case of Egyptian activists exiled in England is taken as illustrative of processes typical of exiled activism. The case study draws on primary and secondary sources including a series of biographical interviews with exiled activists. The analysis compares activism in Egypt with exiled activism in England using the participants’ critical self-reflections to explain the mechanisms mediating the changes. Contrary to reasonable expectations that exile is a spontaneous response to a change in political context, the conditions for exile predate banishment and lie within the institutions of dictatorship which decertify activism. Decertification continues throughout the exile process as fear of repression becomes internalized within the movement. Within the sanctuary of the host country, a process of brokerage counteracts decertification expanding and modifying the exile repertoire.     

The lie of race: the politics of evil

Abstract

This is a paper about a world without racism; it addresses the tenacity of racism as equivalence to privilege. The biology of love as a conversation is explored. Organization theory is juxtaposed as a system of Others. Some language of quantum theory is used to present a hypothesis about why systems of privilege are created and conserved through self-reference. The God metaphor is posed as the penultimate organization enabling privilege. This is offset by seeing that love is not a choice, thus freeing both gods and humans to the universe of possibilities. Threads for further research in organization theory are suggested.     

Vulnerability as a politics of decolonial solidarity: the case of the Anarchists Against the Wall

ABSTRACT

The contemporary turn to the settler-colonial framework has allowed an emerging and growing generation of activist-scholars working on Palestine-Israel to think about decolonisation as an alternative to the official conflict-management-focused peace process. This framing has allowed for the articulation of a range of rich and complex discussions concerning the making and unmaking of settler-indigenous relations in Palestine-Israel, as well as the possibility for decolonial cohabitation. This paper’s contribution to this ongoing conversation is to theorise the ways in which the widespread adoption of the settler-colonial framework by Israeli and international solidarity activists active in the nonviolent struggle against the West Bank Separation Wall has contributed to the evolution of a praxis of decolonial solidarity articulated through the strategic mobilisation of vulnerability vis-à-vis the violence, repression and dispossession of the settler-colonial state.     

College smoking policies and smoking cessation programs: results of a survey of college health center directors

College students' cigarette smoking rose dramatically during the 1990s. Little is known about what colleges do to address the problem. Health center directors at 393 4-year US colleges provided information (response rate: 65.1%) about college policies addressing smoking and the availability of smoking cessations programs. Of the health center directors surveyed, 85% considered students' smoking a problem; yet only 81% of colleges prohibit smoking in all public areas and only 27% ban smoking in all indoor areas, including students' rooms in dormitories and in private offices. More than 40% of the respondents reported that their schools did not offer smoking cessation programs and that the demand for existing program was low. Colleges need to do more to discourage student tobacco use. Recommended actions include campus-wide no-smoking policies that apply to student residences and identification of new ways of providing smoking prevention and cessation services.     

The organizational politics of the ASA

The American Sociological Association’s Report on Future Organizational Trends arose from worries that the ASA is disintegrating into a conglomerate of mutually oblivious specialities. The proliferation of sections was regarded as an aspect of this disintegration that the ASA might be able to control. But the committee charged with examining the problem of sections concluded that section expansion has become a major form of political mobilization within the association, and that sections act as a counterweight to the bureaucratic centralization of the ASA as a whole. On balance, the committee opted for the local vitalization going on in sections as against the more abstract concerns of the ASA central governing bodies. His books includeWeberian Sociological Theory (1986),Theoretical Sociology (1988), andSociology of Marriage and Family: Gender, Love and Property (third edition co-authored with Scott Coltrane, 1990).