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1.
Many European countries have instigated a form of “industrial democracy” by legislating codetermination schemes. However,
codetermination may also be accomplished without legislation. We show that unionizing an industry’s labor supply will also
achieve much the same results as mandatory codetermination as long as unions are exempt from antitrust legislation. The value
of “union codetermination” will yield returns beyond what economists have previously predicted. 相似文献
2.
Anita Ilta Garey 《Qualitative sociology》1995,18(4):415-437
Based on in-depth interviews with hospital nurses, this article examines the way in which employed women with children use
the night shift to support a construction of motherhood which closely resembles that of mothers who are not in the labor force.
Interview data reveal that a salient function of night shift work is the reconciliation of some of the structural and conceptual
incompatibilities of being “working mothers.” Night-shift nurses construct themselves as “stay-at-home moms” by limiting the
public visibility of their labor force participation, by involving their children and themselves in symbolically-invested
activities, and by positioning themselves in the culturally-appropriate place and time: at home, during the day. All of these
strategies work to highlight their visibility as mothers.
An earlier version of this article was presented at the American Sociological Association Annual Meeting, August 13–17, 1993,
Miami Beach, Florida. Funds for this research were provided in part by the University of California and by the National Institute
of Child Health and Human Development. 相似文献
3.
This article examines surveillance techniques utilized by several metropolitan community colleges to manage part-time faculty.
We find that with the increased use of part-time faculty, administrators at these organizations are relying less on direct,
personal supervision of these instructors and are instead using more “remote” surveillance practices to certify that “acceptable
educational standards” are being maintained. The use of these practices not only signals a decline in the professional status
of college instructors, but also points to differences in social control techniques used in “productive” institutions versus
those used in “disciplinary” institutions. We find that while surveillance techniques employed at these community colleges
make the education process visible and controllable, they simultaneously render part-time faculty invisible but controlled. 相似文献
4.
We develop a theory of representation of interdependent preferences that reflect the widely acknowledged phenomenon of keeping up with the Joneses (i.e. of those preferences which maintain that well-being depend on “relative standing” in the society as well as on material
consumption). The principal ingredient of our analysis is the assumption that individuals desire to occupy a (subjectively)
better position than their peers. This is quite a primitive starting point in that it does not give any reference to what
is actually regarded as “status” in the society. We call this basic postulate negative interdependence, and study its implications. In particular, combining this assumption with some other basic postulates that are widely used
in a number of other branches of the theory of individual choice, we axiomatize the relative income hypothesis, and obtain
an operational representation of interdependent preferences.
Received: 7 December 1998/Accepted: 24 August 1999 相似文献
5.
W. H. Hutt 《Journal of Labor Research》1983,4(3):197-211
Richard Freeman and James Medoff have asserted that labor unions have two “faces,” a “good” face and a “bad” face. This contribution
critically examines their arguments to expose serious flaws in their conceptual analysis. 相似文献
6.
Leo Troy 《Journal of Labor Research》2001,22(2):246-259
Conclusion The Old Unionism, organized labor in the private economy, is in irreversible decline. Economic and market factors beyond its
control are principally responsible. The absence of effective leadership and its emphasis on political, instead of trade union,
goals do not help. The substitution has diverted much of organized labor’s large financial resources to advancing a political
agenda which has brought no material gains in membership and market share, but stigmatizes the union movement as a “special
interest” group and as the Luddites of the new century: “American labor organizations ... are shaped much more basically by
events of the past century than by forces of the past fifteen years” (Dunlop, 1978, p. 79).
I am indebted to Ka-Neng Au, librarian at the Dana Library of Rutgers University, Newark, for his accurate and timely assistance
with research information and citations of various references. 相似文献
7.
Hale C. Bolak 《Qualitative sociology》1996,19(1):107-130
This article uses examples of the experience I had in the field as an indigenous researcher in Turkey in order to problematize
claims to knowledge. I contend that for researchers who are positioned as relative “insiders,” whether indigenous or bicultural,
such aspects of the researcher identity as gender, class, professional and relationship status are made especially salient,
perhaps even more so in Middle Eastern contexts. I also argue that while indigenous status can be both empowering and restricting,
the insider/outsider position can be employed as a useful vantage point for “rethinking the familiar.” I discuss with examples
how this position informed my researcher role and my perspective on what is traditional. 相似文献
8.
Mel Pollner regularly cautioned researchers not to argue with the members of settings under consideration. He warned against
substituting the researcher’s meaning for the meanings of those being studied. This article discusses facets of the caution
as they relate to the research process. Seemingly simple, the tenet is nuanced in application. The article adds to the nuance
by distinguishing what is called the “replacement” of meaning with the “displacement” of meaning, providing a way of understanding
what members could mean if the contexts and settings of their accounts were taken into consideration. 相似文献
9.
Using fiction in teaching sociology involves what Harvey Sacks calls “sociological reconstruction”. Numerous comments on teaching
sociology provide advice and suggestions on the use of literature and “what counts” as “sociological” literature, including
specific titles. This paper goes further: while the use of literature is a routine feature of sociological accounts, discerning
the relevance of a novel, or a passage within a novel, to sociological themes is an analyst’s achievement. It requires work
both by the teacher and the student to recognize the relevance of fiction to sociology. Previous studies on fiction in sociology
focus on the pedagogic aspects of using novels but fail to acknowledge the key problem of “sociological reconstruction” attempted
through the use of novels. The paper explicates the crucial and generic issue of “corpus status”, which is fore-grounded by
the use of non-sociological materials in sociology. 相似文献
10.
As the AFL-CIO approached its twenty-fifth biennial convention in July 2005, seven unions formed a new Change to Win (CTW)
coalition to challenge the federation for lead position as the voice of the labor movement. These unions, most of which have
disaffiliated from the AFL-CIO, formed the CTW to demonstrate their unsparing discontent with John Sweeney’s leadership of
the federation. We examine the reasons for the current breach in the house of labor, the competing visions offered by the
AFL-CIO and CTW, and the likelihood that the CTW’s strategy will revive unions. We find that the gulf between the two factions
is philosophically deep and practically irreconcilable. The CTW advocates an “engineered breakthrough” approach to revitalize
labor whereas the AFL-CIO relies on a more conservative “accelerated evolution” path. There are no guarantees that the CTW’s
strategy will work. It presupposes an unmet demand for unions that can be tapped through vast new investments. If the current
model of unionism is lacking, as the CTW suggests, a viable replacement must be found. The CTW, with its limited resources,
will have to experiment until it finds the right model, if one does indeed exist. The task of rebuilding labor is daunting,
but it arguably requires a bold and fundamentally different course from what has been pursued. From this perspective, the
breakup seems a logical development. 相似文献
11.
C. Timothy Koeller 《Journal of Labor Research》1994,15(1):19-32
This paper extends recent research on the determinants of the decline in union membership in the United States. Using biennial
state-level data for a set of years between 1958 and 1982, my model tests “union organizing,” “structural,” “management opposition,”
and “public policy” hypotheses concerning union membership and suggests improved specifications of each of these hypotheses.
The paper also examines the relative importance of each factor in explaining the decline in unionization. The results support
each of the hypotheses and confirm previous findings that changes in the structure of the labor force are most important in
explaining union membership decline. 相似文献
12.
This article aims at integrating the phenomenon of the Central and Eastern European intelligentsia into the application of
the theory of cultural capital of Pierre Bourdieu to the analysis of societies of that region. This is done by critically
reevaluating the model of evolution of the post-communist countries of Central Europe proposed by Gil Eyal, Ivan Szelényi,
and Eleanor Townsley, in their “Making Capitalism without Capitalists.” The present article argues for supplementing their
approach with an analytical distinction between the concepts of intellectuals (as masters of the critical discourse culture)
and the intelligentsia, which in countries like Poland have an important component of post-gentry culture. The identity and
images of the intelligentsia are analyzed as important though highly contested aspects of cultural capital in Poland. Wide
implications of discursive battles on the status of intelligentsia in contemporary Poland are exemplified in the case of the
debates over the so-called Rywin Affair in Poland and the role played in that affair by the major Polish intellectual Adam
Michnik. The political discourse related to the affair and to the status of Michnik are studied in context of the structure
of the Polish political scene and related to the academic debates on the intelligentsia, whether it is a “really existing”
and significant social group or merely a marginal one and “outdated discourse.” 相似文献
13.
The U.S. is not unique in the decline of private sector unionism. Contrary to assertions of the “unique school,” unionism
in the private sectors of Canada and Western Europe has also declined and for the same reason, structural changes in the labor
market.
“It is a capital mistake to theorize before you have all the evidence. It biases the judgment.”
Sherlock Holmes.
I acknowledge in particular the critique of my colleague, Neil Sheflin. I thank, too, for their useful comments, Larry Adams
of the U.S. Department of Labor, Noah Meltz, of the University of Toronto, Alexander Troy, and my colleagues Jack Cullity,
Stanley Kaish, and Peter Loeb. I appreciate the research support received from the Research Council, the International Program,
and the Dean of the Graduate School — Newark of Rutgers University. 相似文献
14.
The “finesse point” introduced here extends the notion of a core; it is a position that minimizes what a candidate needs to
do to counter moves that are made by an opponent. The definition, which is motivated by the “chaos theorem” as well as by
the dynamics of positive and negative political campaigning, is also used to define a “malicious point,” which is an optimal
location from which a candidate can engage in “negative campaigning.” 相似文献
15.
Patrick Bond 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2006,17(4):357-369
This paper considers three different conceptualizations – three politico-ideological perspectives within civil society – on global-scale economics and geopolitics. The standpoints can be termed “Global justice movements,” “Third World nationalism,” and the “Post-Washington Consensus.” These three perspectives stand in contrast to the fusion of neoliberal economics and neoconservative politics that dominates the contemporary world. The three approaches sometimes converge, but more often than not they are in conflict; as are the civil society institutions that cohere to the three different political ideologies. From the three different analyses flow different strategies, concrete campaigning tactics, and varying choices of allies. The World Social Forum provides hints of a potentially unifying approach within the global justice movements based upon the practical themes of “decommodification” and “deglobalization” (of capital). It is, however, only by facing up to the ideological divergences that the global justice movement can enhance its presence.
相似文献
Patrick Bond (Director)Email: |
16.
Michael Morris 《The American Sociologist》1989,20(2):123-133
This paper focuses on the emergence of the “underclass,” and the decline of the “culture of poverty,” as terminologies used
in scholarly and popular analysis of certain lowincome groups in American society. It is argued that the theoretical cores
of these two concepts are similar but not identical, and that a shift in “public language” has occurred. This shift represents
the most recent chapter in the historical process of word substitution that Matza (1966) claims has characterized society’s
response to the disreputable poor. The factors responsible for this shift are analyzed, and the consequent potential for miscommunication
is highlighted.
where his research interests include poverty policy and program evaluation. He is the author (with John B. Williamson) ofPoverty and Public Policy (1986).
This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society for the Study of Social Problems,
August 1986. I wish to thank the anonymous reviewers ofThe American Sociologist for their thoughtful comments and suggestions. 相似文献
17.
Francesca M. Cancian 《The American Sociologist》1993,24(1):92-106
The article compares participatory research and alternative activist approaches, based on the literature on participatory
research and interviews with nine successful sociologists who use alternative approaches. Participatory research, distinguished
by high control over research by community members, equalizes power within the research process, but often retards academic
publication and career advancement. The interviews show that successful academics retain control over their research, experience
mild to severe conflicts with departments, and develop various strategies for combining activism and career success. All types
of activist research are more effective in challenging inequality if they involve activist community organizations.
Her research has focused on family, gender, and feminist and participatory methods. Recent publications includeLove in America, “Feminist Science,” and “Participatory Research” with Cathleen Armstead. Her current participatory research project explores
“Family and Community Caring” in a Mexican-American community. Address for correspondence: Francesca M. Cancian, University
of CA, Dept. of Sociology, Irvine, CA 92717. 相似文献
18.
Samuel Estreicher 《Journal of Labor Research》2006,27(4):505-511
In September 2005, six unions representing 5.4 million workers held their founding convention as a new federation independent
of the AFL-CIO. Infelicitously named “Change to Win Federation” (CTWF), the new alliance has called for a rededication of
union resources and energies towards organizing the unorganized. Although CTWF has occasioned considerable interest and speculation
among labor supporters and observers, it is difficult to determine why the break occurred, other than, perhaps, the personal
agenda of some of its leaders. An unstated, significant reason may be a desire on the rebels’ part to operate relatively free
of “noraiding” strictures of the AFL-CIO, even though the group disclaims any interest in challenging existing bargaining
relationships and has penned “solidarity pacts” with some of its principal AFL-CIO competitors and with state and local units
of the federation. Competitive forces are missing in the market for workplace representation services. The new group may reignite
the rival unionism that spurred organized labor’s marked growth from 1935–1954, but early returns suggest an emphasis on militant
posturing and on trendy, implausible themes such as “global unionism” and “subcontracting out strikes.” 相似文献
19.
Johanna Foster 《Sociological Forum》1996,11(3):523-547
Despite the many angles from which the biological phenomenon now known as “the menstrual cycle” has been addressed, no work
explicitly focuses on how social groups actually draw lines around and mentally partition these complex biological processes
into discrete temporal units. This paper examines not the meaning of “the menstrual cycle,” per se, but hegemonic Western
culture's intersubjective notions of how to carve up this inherently unstructured phenomenon in the first place. Although
sociologists of cognition have still to consider this sociomental structuring of “the menstrual cycle” as a case of mental
cartography, and sociologists of time have still to consider “menstrual time” as a case of sociotemporality, I conclude that
the mental mapping out of what constitutes the elements of this rhythm is a highly social act with serious implications for
women's lives. 相似文献
20.