土耳其在俄乌冲突中的平衡外交:表现、动因及影响北大核心CSSCI

在2022年俄乌冲突中,土耳其等中等强国或地区性大国在大国博弈中积极寻求外交平衡,避免选边站队,在区域政治和全球政治中的影响力持续上升。作为北约成员国、欧盟候选国和黑海沿岸国家,土耳其之所以在俄乌、俄美(北约)以及俄欧之间采取平衡外交是基于维护国家利益、赢取民意支持、谋求战略自主、彰显多元身份等诸多原因。不过,土耳其的平衡外交也有其限度,如土俄关系的非对称性、土美之间的结构性矛盾以及土耳其的反西方主义情绪等。土耳其未来在大国之间仍将寻求外交平衡,这对于提升其地缘战略价值、缓和外交孤立、增强全球影响力均具有重要意义,也从根本上有利于其战略自主地位的形成。然而,随着反对党力量不断增强,西方国家希望土耳其反对党在2023年选举中上台,土耳其的平衡外交因此面临巨大威胁。     

经济结构优化下的财政政策要点

国家以及地区的经济发展是一个经济结构与经济增长互动的一个过程。经济结构的优化可以为经济增长提供源源不断的动力。伴随着经济全球化的扩张,我国面临着国际经济形势与国内经济状态的双重考验,经济结构的优劣对于经济增长的影响意义更加深远和重要。不同国家和地区立足经济结构的角度,采取适当的财政政策来优化经济结构,以适应复杂多变的经济形势,改善经济的增长状态。优化经济结构,减少经济增长的成本是进入21世纪之后我们经济发展的重要战略,尤其是在当前的形势下更具有重要的价值。本篇文章立足于我国当下的经济发展形势,简述了中国经济结构的发展历程,从我国当下的经济结构现状进行系统的分析,进而提出了我国当前形势下优化经济结构的财政政策要点,以期可以借助财政政策的力量优化经济结构,促进我国经济的持续健康快速发展。希望本篇文章可以给相关人士一些借鉴和思考。     

土耳其经济治理的危机与转型

近年来,土耳其经济的持续疲弱反映出国家经济治理的危机:经济增长缓慢使之成为陷入失速的"经济大国";经济结构脆弱使之成为缺乏后劲的新兴大国;经济发展模式失色使之成为日益孤立的地区大国。土耳其的经济治理危机一定程度上代表了绝对化的新自由主义理念及治理实践在土耳其的失败。国家权力在经济领域中的角色将进一步凸显,经济发展模式出现新的强势转向。同时,国内政治经济发展与国际体系结构之间表现出复杂的双向互动关系。埃尔多安和正义与发展党着力打造的"新土耳其"具有推动国家治理转型的积极内涵,虽然遭遇重大挫折,但在新形势下有望恢复活力。土耳其经济治理的危机及其转型对于全球新兴国家群体而言也具有一定的启示意义。     

我国经济增长与国民消费的关系研究

经济增长是一个国家进步发展的重要源泉,是促进社会进步的重要推动力。与经济增长密切相关的另一个主体是国民消费,国民消费是一个国家产业结构优化调整的主要动力。在社会生产力的发展进程中,消费不仅是生产的目的和归宿,更是促进再生产的起点和动力,在经济增长的过程中处于一个中间位置。消费在我国经济增长的发展循环过程中发挥着重要的作用,成为保障我国经济发展的一个关键因素,对我国经济增长的健康持续发展具有较强的影响力。因此,论我国经济增长与国民消费的演进不仅具有重要的理论价值,也具有一定的现实意义。本篇文章立足于我国经济增长与国民消费的现状,分析了我国经济增长与国民消费演进过程中存在的一些问题,针对提高我国经济增长的效益,以及国民消费的水平,提出了可行性的建议,希望本篇文章可以给相关人员一些借鉴和思考。     

正义与发展党执政以来的土耳其现代化转型评析

土耳其是中东地区较早启动现代化转型的国家之一,19世纪后期的宪政运动揭开了土耳其现代化的序幕,其现代化转型的模式与经验,对中东国家现代化发展具有重要的借鉴意义和示范作用。正义与发展党上台以来,土耳其积极推进现代化转型,其内涵主要包括以下内容:以民主政治为目标和驱动力,通过社会制度化建设,提升民众的思想观念;以经济发展为核心,改善民众生活水平;以多元外交为保障,为现代化转型营造良好的国际和周边环境。民主政治、经济发展与多元外交为土耳其现代化转型提供了制度保障和物质基础。     

土耳其正义与发展党和"居伦运动"的关系演化

<正>义与发展党和"居伦运动"虽同为当代土耳其重要的伊斯兰主义力量,但前者以国家为导向,后者以社会为依托,且在不同时期对土耳其政治和社会产生过重要影响。正义与发展党上台前后,因受到面临世俗精英势力的挑战、"居伦运动"与政府交好的先例,以及两者相似的政治观、民主观和"宗教—社会"观等因素的影响,选择了同"居伦运动""结盟"的政治策略。但受两者政治合作空间锐减和"居伦运动"屡次"越界"导致"国家—社会"关系失衡、正义与发展党内政外交政策调整等因素影响,双方在政治、经济及外交领域的矛盾日益加剧,并对实行伊斯兰民主的"土耳其模式"产生了消极影响。     

土耳其汉学研究与孔子学院发展现状

土耳其是中东阿拉伯一伊斯兰世界重要国家。近年来,随着中土两国经济贸易的飞速发展,两国间文化交流不断深化,本文在系统总结土耳其汉语专业与汉学学习的基本情况、土耳其汉学研究的历史与现状以及土耳其孔子学院发展等基本情况的基础上指出,随着中土两国关系可期的美好前景,土耳其汉学教学与汉学研究、孔子学院发展等正处于历史最好最快时期。本文分析了孔子学院发展所存在的问题与对策,以期为中国语言与文化在土耳其传播有所启示。     

土耳其政党制度与国家能力的建构

土耳其近百年的政党政治演变和国家能力建构有着深刻的联系.凯末尔时期,共和人民党作为国家统治的合法性工具,奠定了凯末尔个人威权统治的基础,但激进的改革难以向建立传统伊斯兰秩序的农村渗透,使政党难以吸纳边缘性社会力量,进而导致国家与社会分离.1946年,土耳其启动民主化进程,多党制的实行扩大了国内的政治参与并推动了民主化进程.脆弱的政党体制所形成的文官政府与军人政府的交替执政,使政党藉此增强了对社会力量的吸纳与整合.2002年,正义与发展党上台,在以文官为核心的政党治理体系中,国家与社会、宗教与世俗的"中心—边缘"模式关系得以弥合,政治权力体系得以重构.土耳其政党的政治再建构能力表明,政党政治的发展深刻影响着土耳其政治多元化和政治制度民主化的走向与国家能力建构.     

阿拉伯世界的世俗主义与世俗化

阿拉伯世界的世俗主义是受西方的影响而产生的。19世纪中叶到20世纪中叶是阿拉伯世界世俗主义发展的第一阶段,首先在阿拉伯基督教信徒中间产生,并为阿拉伯基督教信徒和穆斯林共同发展。凯末尔领导的土耳其世俗化运动,使作为非阿拉伯国家的土耳其以其世俗主义模式影响了阿拉伯世界,很多阿拉伯国家随之走上世俗化道路。但从20世纪70年代开始,现代伊斯兰主义兴起,作为非阿拉伯国家的伊朗以其伊斯兰革命影响了阿拉伯世界现代伊斯兰主义的发展。作为对现代伊斯兰主义的回应,阿拉伯世界的世俗主义进入了第二阶段,福阿德·宰凯里亚的思想最具代表性。     

中国是否步入“橄榄型”社会?

中产阶层多年来一直是个引人注目的议题。政府部门或学界很多人把是否能构建大量的中产阶层,形成"橄榄型"社会,作为社会成熟、稳定的标志。然而,谁是中产阶层、中产阶层界定的依据是什么、我国是否已形成中产阶层?对此,一直是有歧见的。判断中产阶层的依据只能是收入近年来,判断分析我国中产阶层及其收入状况主要有两个理论。一是"职业分层论"。有人根据职业将国人划分为:国家与社会管理者、经理人员、私营企业主、专业技     

Boundaries of middle‐class identities in Turkey

The aim of this paper is to provide an analytical account of the diversity within middle‐class identities in Turkey by drawing on an inductive and interview‐based investigation of boundary‐making processes. Inspired by Lamont's framework, it explores the nature and content of drawn symbolic boundaries and relates the causes of the observed variations to the rapid changes in Turkey's socio‐economic structure. The research challenges the homogeneous and strictly hierarchical reading of class/cultural distinctions as it demonstrates the existence of horizontal tensions and culturally inclusive middle‐class repertoires. The analysis unpacks the material basis of differentiation and highlights the most significant factors in strengthening or weakening cultural boundaries in the Turkish case: mobility profiles into middle‐class positions, composition of overall capital and the sector of employment. The paper contributes both to the growing interest in divergent manifestations of class distinction in non‐Euro‐American national contexts and to our understanding of middle‐class cultures in Turkey.     

International Transfer of Policies and Practices of Gender Equality in Employment to and among Muslim Majority Countries

This article investigates the premise that it is possible to transpose organizational approaches to equal employment opportunity (EEO) from western countries to Muslim majority countries (MMCs). Drawing on policy interviews and documentary evidence from public sector organizations and international development agencies engaged in the promotion of gender equality in Turkey and Pakistan, we question the effectiveness of diffusion of gender equality policies and practices to and among these two MMCs. Our investigation reveals the primacy of context over essence in developing effective ways to construct EEO policies and practices which can be adopted in MMCs.     

The adaptation of East Asian masters students to western norms of critical thinking and argumentation in the UK

The paper explores the adaptation experiences of East Asian masters students in the UK in dealing with western academic norms of critical thinking and debate. Through in‐depth interviewing, students' perceptions of their learning experiences were explored, and stages in this adaptation process were identified, with various entry and exit routes. It was found that the majority of the students opt for a ‘middle way’ which synergizes their own cultural approach to critical thinking with those aspects of western‐style critical thinking and debate that are culturally acceptable to them.     

Middle Class Identity in the Modern World: How Politics and Economics Matter

It is widely accepted that people tend to identify with the middle classes regardless of their social class position. Nevertheless, this “middle class identity bias” is not equally prominent in all western democracies. The goal of this article is to assess the role of political and economic conditions in shaping this phenomenon. By exploring the relationship between class identity and national context in 15 modern societies, I address two main questions: (1) how individual‐level income affects where people place themselves in the class system, and (2) how national political and economic context affects this relationship. In doing so, I offer several important findings. First, although there is a positive relationship between income and class identification in all 15 societies, middle class identification is weakest when income inequality is high. Consistent with previous findings, the results suggest that economic development has a positive impact on class identity. The results also uncover a role for political ideology by suggesting a lingering affect of Communist rule. Even after controlling for economic development and income inequality, respondents in former Communist countries are more likely than others to identify as belonging to a low social class.     

Neoliberal motherhood during the pandemic: Some reflections

In this article, I argue that there are at least three essential elements that inform the idealized mother figure today and I reflect upon the effects the COVID‐19 pandemic has on each of these elements. The three essential elements in the contemporary understanding of motherhood reflect neoliberal concerns and are related to mothers’ unpaid work, the female body and mothers’ participation in the labour market. These three elements have been distilled with the help of secondary literature and are based on initial observations and interview results that had been conducted as part of an ongoing research project on contemporary motherhood practices of upper‐middle‐class mothers from Switzerland, Turkey and Germany. Consequently, the focus in this article lies on upper‐class and upper‐middle‐class women. In contrast to optimistic visions that envision the end of neoliberalism, I argue that the neoliberal understanding of motherhood is likely to persist and to re‐emerge as the dominant model of motherhood in the wake of the pandemic.     

论土耳其埃尔多安政府的外交政策

以埃尔多安为总理的土耳其政府,改变了土耳其以往单维度、不平衡的外交政策,开始向多维度、多样化的方向逐渐发展,积极扩展在中东、中亚、高加索、巴尔干、非洲等地区的影响力,以改善与邻国的关系,其外交政策显示出更大的独立性。尽管埃尔多安政府在外交上主要以西方国家尤其是美国作为外交基轴,但并未一味地为迎合美国而在国际事务中处处跟随其后,而是着力扩大国家影响力在国际舞台上寻求独立声音。中东剧变后,埃尔多安政府的外交政策表现出延续性和灵活性。需要指出的是,埃尔多安政府外交政策的调整并不意味着以西方国家为基轴的外交战略发生根本性扭转,外交政策的东移不过是亲西方政策的补充,旨在更好地完善土耳其的外交政策。     

Education and egalitarianism: the culture of the Norwegian middle class

It is well documented that educational achievement in Western societies is related to family background. Yet we know less about how people who have completed university degrees experience the importance of their education. How is education related to the different culturally embedded structures of nation states? How do highly educated people perceive the pertinence of their education? Such questions are rarely posed in the literature on social class, but recent research on the middle class in Britain offers a background for comparisons. Based on results from interviews with a sample of people having higher educational diplomas, the article discusses the particularities of the Norwegian case. We find much ambivalence over class identification and there is a remarkable tendency to downplay the importance of education. Our findings indicate that the Norwegian middle class has internalized egalitarian values embedded in Norwegian culture and thus, compared to the British case, more often hesitates to set up boundaries between itself and other classes. We argue that such findings diverge from conventional typifications of western ‘middle‐classes’ and have wider methodological implications for the study of class systems.     

Reconsidering identity: the ethnic and political dimensions of hybridity among majority and Turkish youth in Germany and England1

Sociological research has hitherto largely focused on majority ² and minority ethnic identities or citizenship identities. However, the social connections between youth are not simply ethnic dynamics but also political dynamics involving citizenship categories. This article argues that in postmodern societies, it is important to reconsider the ways we think about youth identities. Drawing upon qualitative data from a study into the political identities of majority (German and British) youth and Turkish youth, educated in two Stuttgart and two London secondary schools, the research found that fifteen‐year‐olds had no singular identity but hybrid ethno‐national, ethno‐local and national‐European identities as a result of governmental policies, their schooling and community experience, social class positioning, ethnicity and migration history. In working‐class educational contexts, many majority and Turkish youth privileged the ethnic dimension of hybridity whereas majority and Turkish youth in the two middle‐class dominated schools emphasized the political dimension of hybridity. The article demonstrates that social class and schooling (e.g. ethos and peer cultures) have a considerable role to play in who can afford to take on the more hybridized cosmopolitan identities on offer.     

Changing the Status Quo of Migration and Asylum Policies in Turkey: A Narrative Inquiry

Abstract

Turkey has been experiencing a migration policy transformation in the wake of a new ruling entitled the ‘Foreigners and International Protection Law’ (FIPL). This qualitative inquiry investigates this major change process by focusing on the planned reorganisation which is a result of the legislation process, with the aim of connecting the change process to a change model. The researcher interviewed twenty-seven middle and upper-level managers and experts from the Foreigners, Border, and Asylum Department (FBAD) and Asylum and Migration Bureau (AMB) of the Turkish Ministry of the Interior. Both their implementation of the change process and perceptions on such a transformation period were investigated. The study also examined the change process of the irregular migration and asylum regime within Turkey’s bid for full European Union membership as well as implementation of the draft FIPL. This study provides an example of a policy change process by analysing how governmental practice and legislation have evolved with regard to irregular migration, asylum seekers, and refugees in Turkey. The results noticeably reveal that, instead of seeing irregular migration and asylum as merely a threat to national security or a welfare issue, Turkey has chosen a way of developing a humanitarian approach in both the legislative and administrative fields. This is the first study which attempts to analyse a particular policy change process in the migration and asylum regime in Turkey. The results could influence policy dynamics and set priorities by suggesting policy solutions.     

Social support and psychoeducational interventions with middle class dropout youth

There are substantial numbers of high school dropouts among middle class, high achieving and majority youth. Yet, little research has been undertaken to identify the psychosocial and family characteristics, educational needs, and program requirements of middle class dropout youth. This paper reports the educational history, individual psychosocial characteristics and family backgrounds of 102 middle class dropout youth who participated in an educational treatment program within a university. Data from a questionnaire and a family assessment instrument indicate that middle class dropout youth have a variety of family, social, emotional and learning disorders. Implications for clinical interventions are presented along with a case history and treatment plan of one of the youth in the study.