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1.
以色列国内有110多万俄罗斯裔犹太移民,人口占比约15%,是以色列国内最大的移民群体。俄罗斯裔犹太移民通过组建政党积极参与以色列国内的政治生活,并逐渐发展成为影响以色列政局走向的"关键少数",同时还是以色列创新经济和高科技发展的重要智力和人力资源。然而,在文化和社会领域,俄罗斯裔犹太移民始终同主流社会的欧洲裔犹太移民保持着一定距离,处于亚文化地带,有时甚至会做出违背犹太教义的行为。他们到达以色列后,不但巩固了以色列的犹太属性,还成为以色列同巴勒斯坦争夺土地和水资源的先头部队,导致以色列政治生态进一步右倾化,影响着巴以关系和地区局势的未来走向。该群体还成为近年来俄罗斯同以色列关系长足发展的重要纽带。  相似文献   

2.
肇始于19世纪末的巴勒斯坦共产主义运动将犹太复国主义理论与马克思主义思想相结合,主张实现犹太人与阿拉伯人的联合,建立社会主义社会。20世纪20年代中期后,在共产国际的干预下,巴勒斯坦共产党推行"阿拉伯化"政策,并将工作重心从犹太路线转向阿拉伯路线。在以色列建国前,巴勒斯坦共产党经历了艰难而曲折的发展历程,它虽未能成功实现阿拉伯—犹太工人阶级联盟、促成阿犹两个民族的联合统一和建立双民族国家的愿景,但它一直努力克服两大民族分裂并尝试建立一个犹太—阿拉伯人的共产主义组织,反对帝国主义和殖民主义,支持阿拉伯民族解放运动,提出犹太人和阿拉伯人都享有平等的民族权利和公民权利的政治主张,彰显了它在犹太复国主义运动中的先进性特征。  相似文献   

3.
以色列建国61年来,尽管其阿拉伯公民的社会地位和生活境况已有了很大改善,但他们并没有完全融入以色列社会.以色列作为一个犹太国家和西方民主国家的双重特性,决定了其对阿拉伯公民实行的是一种表面上平等而实质上则是剥夺与压迫、歧视、隔离和分化的政策.以色列阿拉伯公民的民族政治意识经历了几个发展阶段,已克服了最初的混乱和迷惘,将争取自己在以色列国内的平等地位和权利作为自己的目标,并提出了明确的政治愿景,对以色列的立国理念--锡安主义形成了挑战.正视阿拉伯公民的合理要求并将其纳入以色列民族国家构建的范畴之内,不仅关系到以色列国家的稳定和发展,而且对未来巴勒斯坦建国进程及其巴以关系的走向也将产生重要影响.  相似文献   

4.
校园文化是学校的精神和灵魂,学生社团作为活跃校园文化的重要组成部分。文中从社团文化与校园文化的关系、社团文化和社团管理层的“四大关系”.从创新管理和加强合作两个方面.浅谈构建和谐校园文化下的学生社团文化的建设。  相似文献   

5.
在当今国际舞台上,以色列是美国唯一一个在北约之外的盟国,不少学者称美以关系为“特殊的伙伴关系”。实际上美以之间的“特殊的伙伴关系”并不是从一开始就确立的。在建国之初,以色列奉行的是在美苏之间寻求平衡以摆脱阿拉伯国家封锁的外交政策。但是随着国际局势的发展,以色列最终投入了美国为首的西方的怀抱。那么,为什么以色列的外交政策会发生这种转向?为什么以色列的外交倒向了西方阵营而不是社会主义阵营?我们今天重温这段历史,依然不乏积极的历史与现实意义。  相似文献   

6.
阿拉伯国家同解决巴勒斯坦问题的关系   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
中东问题的关键是巴勒斯坦问题,即巴勒斯坦和以色列间的领土争端问题,虽然以色列同叙利亚存在着戈兰高地的争端,与黎巴嫩存在着南黎巴嫩的领土问题,但巴以问题的突出地位是不言而喻的.奥斯陆协议签署后,中东和平开始从梦想走向现实,但自内塔尼亚胡上台起,中东和平进程出现明显倒退,以色列从已达成的各项协议上全面后退,有关国家甚至美国、欧盟都对内氏政府的强硬立场明确表示不满.这种局势不禁使人对该地区的前途陡升疑虑,为什么一个小小的以色列在众多阿拉伯国家的包围之中,历经半个世纪的风雨而依然不动,而有着几乎所有阿拉伯国家支持的巴勒斯坦建国之路却似乎仍遥遥无期.巴勒斯坦国家是否真的能在被称为“巴勒斯坦”的土地上建立起来?本文试从阿拉伯国家与巴勒斯坦问题内部关系的发展、变化这一视角作一些探  相似文献   

7.
提到以色列与巴勒斯坦的冲突,老年朋友会说:“我们年轻的时候那里就在打,如今我们老了,阿拉法特也老了,那里还在打。”的确,以巴冲突是20世纪国际社会持续时间最长的武力冲突。进入21世纪,以巴冲突并不见有所缓和,反而愈演愈烈。本是同根生从民族渊源上看,以巴冲突可说是同室操戈。因为,生活在巴勒斯坦土地上的阿拉伯人(古时称为迦南人)与犹太人(古时称为希伯莱人),都是西亚古代闪族的后裔,他们先后建立过自己的国家。从公元前6世纪开始,犹太王国不断遭到外族侵占,犹太人有过3次大流散,后来几乎全部逃离或被驱逐出…  相似文献   

8.
犹太复国主义一直是国内犹太学界的研究重点,犹太复国主义的产生与发展对以色列民族国家的建立与发展以及世界范围内犹太民族的地位提升产生了深远的影响。本文拟就关于国内犹太复国主义研究做一番粗略的总结。  相似文献   

9.
近年来,受决策者、国家、地区和国际因素等要素变化的影响,印度和以色列关系呈现出全面性、战略性、伙伴性的发展态势。2017年印度和以色列明确宣布将两国关系提升至“战略伙伴关系”。此后,两国深入拓展在政治、军事、经济、人文四大领域的合作与交流,政治关系日益密切,军事合作不断深化,经贸关系提质加速,人文交流日益活跃。未来一段时期内,印度和以色列可能在军事、反恐以及经贸等领域进一步加强合作。然而,受国内因素、地区和国际因素的影响,未来印度和以色列关系发展仍存在诸多变数,双方在短期内无法结成同盟关系。  相似文献   

10.
本文以戊戌学会为对象,论述了西方社会学传入对近代中国现代性社团产生和发展的影响。甲午战争前后,随着西方社会学的不断传入,在一些维新人士中逐渐形成了一种名之为“群学”的中国现代社会学理论,内中包涵着比较完整的现代社团理论,开始明确了群与学的关系、群与强的关系、群与治的关系、群与变的关系、群与会的关系。从这种“群学”理论出发,维新人士认为,组建学会可以为维新运动广泛动员社会力量、培养和联结广大维新人才、建立资产阶级民主制度的社会基础,从而强化社团意识。由此,维新人士不仅广泛组建具有各种社团功能的学会,而且使戊戌学会具有现代社团的特性,由中国人自己组建的、现代社团开始兴起。  相似文献   

11.
Using data from a large national representative survey of Palestinian high school students in Israel, this study examines the effect of the local labour market and the internal ethnic/religious segregation between Muslims, Christians and Druze, on students' occupational expectations. The data, which were collected in spring 1997, consisted of two types, these being data regarding students, and data regarding schools. The findings show that despite the disadvantages of the Palestinian minority as a whole within Israeli society, students tend to develop high occupational expectations. While the general level of their expectations can be explained by their educational and residential segregation from the Jewish majority, the multi-level analyses suggests that the internal segregation facilitates differential access to socio-economic resources, which generate different levels of occupational expectations between students from various ethnic/religious groups. More specifically, the findings demonstrate that the social and economic differences between Muslims, Christians and Druze are playing a central role in determining students' expectations, acting as a mechanism to preserve social inequality. The gender dimension of the occupational expectations and the influence of die segregation between Palestinian and Jewish students, are also discussed.  相似文献   

12.
Over 60 years ago, the Jewish nationalist movement known as Zionism culminated in the creation of the State of Israel. Millions of Jews immigrated to Israel over the twentieth century, a process known as aliya (literally, “going up”). Yet over the years, thousands of Israelis have also chosen to leave Israel in a movement termed yerida (“going down”). As the term suggests, this reverse migration has been highly stigmatized. During the 1960s and 1970s, emigrants were publicly disparaged in the Israeli media for having abandoned a struggling state. Consequently, Israeli migrants suffered strong feelings of guilt that often, hampered their integration process abroad, a phenomenon observed as late as the 1990s. This paper, however, reveals that feelings of stigmatization have greatly decreased among Israeli migrants in recent years. The study is based on research that I conducted in 2008–2009, involving nine months of participant observation in Vancouver’s Israeli community and 34 in‐depth interviews. Unlike in previous studies, most of my informants expressed no feelings of guilt over having left Israel. Of those who did, most framed their guilt as a longing for family and friends rather than the patriotic longing for the land as expressed by previous generations. Previous studies have also found that Israelis harbour a “myth of return”– a continuously expressed desire to return to Israel and a reluctance to accept their stay abroad as permanent. However, I have not found that the myth of return is still strong today, despite the continued prevalence of a strong sense of Israeli identity among Israelis abroad. I suggest that these changing attitudes are the product of shifting ideals in Israeli society that have developed as the state of Israel has matured. This paper thus serves to update the outdated image of Israeli migrants as it exists in the prevailing literature.  相似文献   

13.
This article explores nation building as an organizational accomplishment and uses the concept of boundary object to explain how the groups that compose the nation cooperate. Specifically, the article examines the mechanisms devised to secure a flow of money from the Irish-American and Jewish-American diasporas to their respective homelands. To overcome problems associated with conventional philanthropy, Irish and Jewish nationalists issued bonds and sold them to their American compatriots as a hybrid of a gift and an investment. In the Irish case, disagreements about the entitlement to the proceeds resulted in the termination of the bond project. In the Jewish case, the bond served as a boundary object allowing American and Israeli Jews to cooperate despite ongoing tensions. The Israeli bond provided Jewish-Americans with an additional way to invest themselves financially and emotionally in Israel. This bond is an example of a socio-technical mechanism used to create national attachments.  相似文献   

14.
This paper investigates the attitudes held by young student newcomers to Israel from the former Soviet Union about the different groups that comprise Israeli society. Young newcomers are a product of the education of the former Soviet regime and the Jewish community. They were interviewed soon after their arrival in Israel and after they have been in contact with Israeli society, especially through their contacts in the universities and through the media. Results show that young newcomers categorize Israeli society in terms of social distance in three groups, ranging from those most like them to those most different. Ethiopian Jews and Arabs are relegated to the same group, despite the fact that the Soviet newcomers share a common experience of immigration with the Ethiopians.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

The article examines contemporary Israeli poetry and visual art by Russian-Jewish artists of the 1.5 generation, artists who were born in the Soviet Union but resettled in Israel during the 1990s. By focusing on the representation of the Soviet–Jewish past in their works, I show that in contrast to the largely negative view of the Soviet experience by the previous generations of Russian-Israeli authors, the historical understanding of the 1.5 generation is fundamentally different. This cohort of artists resists the lachrymose portrayal of Jewish life in the USSR and the “Happily Ever After” finale in Israel. Instead, they propose a counter-narrative that is hinged on a romanticized depiction of life in the USSR and disillusionment in Israel that followed. I argue that nostalgic representations of the Soviet–Jewish past by these artists derive from the suffering, humiliation, and rapid downwards social mobility that the Russian-speaking community experienced in Israel.  相似文献   

16.
This article focusing on the question of a population policy for Israel evolved out of the invitation of "The Jewish Journal of Sociology" to review "The Population of Israel" by Dov Friedlander and Calvin Goldscheider. The book which deals mainly with population policies analyzes only 2 aspects of policies: those concerned with immigration and with natality. With respect to the immigration policies, it seems to this author that some of the main conclusions are at variance with the results of the detailed analysis, as will be shown. Regarding natality policies, Friedlander and Goldscheider present a systematic demonstration of their thesis that pronatal policies proposed in Israel in 1966 were futile. Patient checking of their data, however, reveals weaknesses and internal contradictions which invalidate their main thesis. Additionally, their neglect of other aspects of population policies is regrettable. In this discussion focus is mainly on the problems of natality policies, since these are believed to be of particular importance for the future of the Jewish people. In Israel considerable investment has been made by the Jewish Agency and the Israeli government for the encouragement and absorption of immigrants. There has been only a small expenditure for the immediate implementation of pronatal policies. Diverting funds from the latter to add to the resources of the former is an unrealistic proposition. The policy of ecncouraging immigration has been and continues to be a basic tenet of Israel and of the Zionist movement. It will most likely be pruned in the future with a large measure of national consensus. Recent detailed projections of the world's Jewish populations show that if current demographic trends are maintained, a steep numerical decline and a further rapid aging of the Diaspora population can be expected. If present levels of fertility of Jews in Israel are maintained in the future, their natural increase may in a rather considerable measure compensate for demographic losses of the Diaspora. Fertility decline in Israel may result in a steep decrease of the world's Jewish population. This possibility cannot be ruled out. Israeli Jews are still rather familistic, and their tendency to marry is still strong. Their fertility is higher than in the Diaspora and in the majority of developed countries. There have been some indications in the past few years, however, that these trends are weakening. If the future survival of the Jewish people and the strengthening of the State of Israel are viewed as desirable goals, then policies must be carefully designed to ensure that the Jewish population of Israel may reach a size and a structure which would help to realize these objectives. Such policies must be directed at supporting the institution of marriage and the stability of the family and at promoting fertility and responsible parenthood. There must be a continuing evaluation of existing immigration policies.  相似文献   

17.
This paper examines theoretical propositions regarding the social mechanisms that produce hostility and discriminatory attitudes towards out‐group populations. Specifically, we compare the effect of perceptions of socio‐economic and national threats, social contact and prejudice on social distance expressed towards labour migrants. To do so, we examine exclusionary views held by majority and minority groups (Jews and Arabs) towards non‐Jewish labour migrants in Israel. Data analysis is based on a survey of the adult Israeli population based on a stratified sample of 1,342 respondents, conducted in Israel in 2007. Altogether, our results show that Israelis (both Jews and Arabs) are resistant to accepting and integrating foreigners into Israeli society. Among Jews, this is because the incorporation of non‐Jews challenges the definition of Israel as a Jewish state and poses a threat to the homogeneity of the nation. Among Arabs, this is probably due to threat and competition over resources. The meanings of the findings are discussed within the unique ethno‐national context of Israeli society and in light of sociological theories on ethnic exclusionism.  相似文献   

18.
While it is difficult to gauge the effect of multicultural policies within countries, it is even more difficult to measure them across countries. In this article, I use fundamental multicultural changes that have occurred in Israeli society in recent decades as a case study, and track their effect on how Israelis who reside in the USA identify with Israel. Analysing the US census and the American Community Survey, I have focused my research on three groups of Israeli‐born migrants in the USA – Israeli Arabs, ultra‐Orthodox Jews and the Jewish majority. Findings indicate that originating from a minority community in the homeland predicts not only a different rate, but also different longitudinal trends of Israeli identification. I offer several possible explanations for these variations, but an in‐depth analysis of the Israeli case indicates that the transnational effect of the changing multicultural agenda in Israel is the leading mechanism at play.  相似文献   

19.
The rhetoric of nations, such as Israel, often assigns immigrants social positions in nationalist reconstructions. Given the active role the media has taken in reconstructing the nation, this paper suggests looking at Master Chef Israel (MCI) as an arena in which immigrant contestants are staged as recruited to engage in the reconstruction and branding of Israel. A narrative analysis of five seasons of MCI and interviews with 15 contestants tracked three narratives, each of which reveals a different mode of branding Israel. The show branded Jewish immigrants as equipped with the necessary capital to become Israelis, while those who converted to Judaism and immigrated to Israel were expected to show commitment both to their new religion and to their new country. In the third narrative, MCI staged the patriotism of individuals who immigrated after marrying an Israeli citizen as a gradually emerging sentiment based on the extent to which their difference enabled the incorporation of an Israeli component into their overall identity.  相似文献   

20.
Studies of the relationship between nationalism and localism have brought evidence that these orientations might maintain either relations of opposition or congruence. By conceiving of localism mainly as a strategy, this paper argues that localism can be used alternately as an anchor of nationalist narrative or as an alternative to nationalism by the exact same community. This argument is illustrated by the case of Sakhnin, an Arab-Palestinian town in Israel. Local pride in Sakhnin has developed around two separate foci: a nationalist heroic narrative of martyrdom and the success of the local football team. These two foci developed in complete isolation, since the first is embedded in a Palestinian nationalist narrative while the latter is oriented toward the Israeli Jewish public. An ethnographic study follows the construction of these separate spheres and a survey conducted among 174 men in the town confirms that involvement in the football sphere correlates with both local pride and integrative orientations.  相似文献   

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