共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Systems of social protection in the member states of the European Community differ not only in organization but also occasionally in their conception. Nevertheless, on closer examination this diversity proves to be less significant than it seems. Those systems have, moreover, a series of common problems to confront. Furthermore, the establishment of the single European market will entail a growing and varied mobility of persons and increase the need to move towards standardization of social protection levels. The Community therefore proposes to promote the convergence of member states'policies, while recognizing and respecting the diversity and autonomy of systems. The approach would be essentially flexible and multiform, and based on the principle of subsidiarity. 相似文献
2.
Vladimir Rys 《International social security review》2001,54(2&3):177-189
A brief overview of essential choices facing the transition countries of central Europe with regard to social security policy precedes the discussion of some selected issues related to their entry into the European Union (EU). While not much weight is given to the idea of these countries bringing in yet another social model, the problem of social dumping is considered more seriously, particularly in view of the continuing impact of neoliberal ideology. The central issue of maintaining equilibrium between economic and social development is then examined in the context of current preparations for accession, and attention is drawn to the inherent weakness of the present EU policy, which deals with economic aspects of social protection only and fails to give the populations concerned a clear vision of attainable social goals for the future. 相似文献
3.
Christine Chambaz 《Social Policy & Administration》2001,35(6):658-671
The third wave of the European Community Household Panel Survey (ECHP) shows that 12 per cent of European families were lone-parent families in 1996. Nine single parents out of ten are women, usually divorced or separated. The proportion of lone parents under 30 varies from 3 per cent in Italy to 20 per cent in the United Kingdom. Most lone parents are in work, and very often occupy a full-time job, but the employment rate ranges from only 40 per cent in Ireland and the United Kingdom to 75 per cent in France and Denmark. Lone-parent families benefit from social transfers more often than other families, and for higher amounts, but poverty is more common than in other households, except in Denmark, Greece and Portugal. The housing circumstances of lone-parent families vary widely from country to country. In the south of Europe, 25 to 40 per cent are lodging in a larger household, suggesting solidarity within the extended families. This paper classifies the nations of Europe into five groups in terms of the overall circumstances of lone-parent families. Anglo-Saxon countries have the highest proportion of lone parents, with the least labour market participation and lower incomes. In contrast, lone parents in Scandinavian countries are more often at work and no more affected by poverty than other types of households. 相似文献
4.
Franz Terwey 《International social security review》2004,57(1):105-117
Abstract The European Union's policy of economic concentration and de regulation en tails a creeping loss of sovereignty over social policy for the member States, which are also subject to the common monetary policy: the budgetary discipline they are expected to maintain calls for a constant reduction in social expenditure and the radical privatization of public areas of the economy. The question is whether, by harmonizing its various national fiscal, social and economic policies to a greater or lesser extent, the European Un ion can regain the freedom of action which individual States have lost. Given increasing in terregional competition, member States find them selves also competing in respect of their social systems. The idea of a European social union, dismissed in the past as a pipe dream, is increasingly be coming a necessity for the success of the integration process in the future. The European Union will remain an alien concept for its citizens until it succeeds in developing a specific base for emancipatory democracy. This will only be possible when social justice and a high level of social security benefits are guaranteed for all citizens. The European constitution is an other step in this direction but is not enough by it self; it can only set democratic processes in motion. The creation of a genuine social un ion calls for further initiatives from social security actors, among others. 相似文献
5.
6.
In the late 20th and early 21st century, social exclusion has become something of a trope around which is pegged justifications for various reforms. The notion of social exclusion has found its way into the lexicon of all major global governance institutions. How has this happened, and what are its implications for scholars of contemporary welfare reforms? In this article, we consider the ‘rise and rise’ of the discourse of social exclusion, with particular reference to its development as a policy paradigm within the European Union. We note that its initial iteration was anchored in a functionalist discourse of social organisation but that this was quickly challenged both by post‐structuralist and post‐colonial perspectives and by research findings that undermined the view of mainstream institutions as fundamentally integrative and inclusive in nature. The debate about social exclusion, we suggest, is simultaneously a debate about the historical and social dynamics of European modernity. 相似文献
7.
8.
Dimitris Kioukias 《Social Policy & Administration》2003,37(2):121-132
In postwar Western Europe social policies in the wider sense relied in many countries on neo‐corporatist policies of implementation. Since the 1980s such policies have ceased to be as dominant as they used to be, being associated with what has been called “policy communities” and “policy networks”. As far as the reforms pursued by many countries in order to readjust their economies and labour markets are concerned, significant shifts of such a kind were observed. Illustrations of these trends are presented in a comparative section. We attempt to demonstrate the dual structures of social policy formation and implementation, i.e. neo‐corporatist and network/policy community policies, and to discuss the “how” of such policies, i.e. their “raison d’être” and their “real world” enforcement. Against a background of various semi‐corporatisms and adversarial trade union politics, Greece is trying at the moment to adopt this pattern in several social policy areas, though this is not yet quite visible. Neo‐corporatism is also enhanced. We attempt to show where neo‐corporatism is tried (e.g. certain “social dialogue” structures) and where policy communities are encouraged (e.g. public health, local social policies, etc.). Sometimes the boundaries between the two systems are blurred, with some social dialogue committees appearing as quasi‐policy communities. Finally we endeavour to examine the outcomes of such policies and to see their inner logic against the theoretical background. The concept of multilevel governance as a wider policy instrument which incorporates both the above systems is of special interest here. 相似文献
9.
Manlio Cinalli Marco Giugni Paolo Roberto Graziano 《International Journal of Social Welfare》2013,22(3):287-289
The abundant literature on welfare state policies, regimes or ‘worlds’ has been only limitedly interested in unemployment protection, and even less in youth unemployment protection. What is clearly lacking in the literature is an updated analysis of the most recent policies developed in European countries targeting youth. This mini‐symposium aims to fill in this gap by presenting findings from an EU‐funded research project entitled ‘Youth, Unemployment and Exclusion in Europe: A Multidimensional Approach to Understanding the Conditions and Prospects for Social and Political Integration of Young Unemployed’ (YOUNEX). The main aim of the research endeavour was to develop theory and contribute to empirical knowledge concerning the social and political exclusion of unemployed youth in Europe. 相似文献
10.
Paul Spicker 《Social Policy & Administration》1996,30(4):293-304
The European Union has a federal structure, in which each citizen is subject to two governments. The position of social policy within the federation is contested, but the EU has gradually developed powers through the extension of its competence, direct intervention in social welfare issues and the push for “convergence”, or agreement on minimum standards. Consistent with its federal nature, the European model of the welfare state is based on convergence, integration of the excluded and social protection through the gradual extension of solidarity. The precise role that the federal government will take on within this is unclear, but it is already having a major impact on social welfare and its influence is likely to increase. 相似文献
11.
Georges Menahem 《International social security review》2007,60(4):69-103
With a view to better assessment of the roles played by social security and social policy in determining well-being, this article introduces the "decommodified security ratio" (DSR), an instrument for evaluating an important duty of the social State, namely to maintain and improve people's economic security. To that end we describe the conventions for its use, analyse its main components in 20 European countries in 2002 and simulate the changes in it produced by ten variations in those components. From an analysis of the sensitivities of economic security we then demonstrate three different rationales. 相似文献
12.
Eric Bidet 《International social security review》2004,57(1):3-18
Abstract As reported in numerous studies, the system of social protection in the Republic of Korea long remained underdeveloped because of the priority given instead to economic growth. The past few years have seen major changes, however. The government decided to apply the theory of “productive welfare”, thereby committing itself to introducing a system of universal statutory social insurance which is intended to set the seal on a new social compact and which may, ultimately, impact on the model of socioeconomic development itself. This article outlines the recent changes in insurance against sickness, unemployment and old age and goes on to describe the moral hazard facing the new system of social insurance and the need for a form of joint management in order to minimize this hazard. 相似文献
13.
Philippe Martin 《International social security review》2005,58(1):23-44
Employee benefit plans occupy a special place in systems of social protection. Traditionally tied to work for an employer in a company, they provide a form of social protection which can be fairly described as fragmentary. That is to say, the rights they carry vary hugely from one employer to another or from one category of employees to another. This observation seems to hold true when we compare the position in various European countries. A certain movement towards harmonization now appears to be emerging, however, under the joint influence of greater European integration and the huge push for reform coming from the authorities in the various countries, aimed at giving people access to arrangements offering supplementary social protection. Not that the actual rights obtained through the employer are becoming standardized; it is rather that supplementary cover provided by or through the employer is being extended or made secure. The main concern of this paper is to identify the various legal approaches being used in Europe to attain this objective, and the difficulties encountered. 相似文献
14.
Antonin Wagner 《International Journal of Social Welfare》2008,17(1):93-97
This contribution deals with the integrative model underpinning contemporary European social policy. It was conceived as a comment on the article by O'Brian and Penna, addressing the same topic and published in this issue of IJSW . The author looks at processes of social inclusion/exclusion through the lens of political theory and the notion of citizenship, which is at its core. Based on this approach, the comment provides a perspective that in many respects is complementary to the conceptual analysis presented by O'Brian and Penna in their article. 相似文献
15.
Bénédicte Zimmermann 《International social security review》2006,59(4):29-45
This article adopts a dual approach to the examination of unemployment insurance reforms in France and Germany. On one hand it looks back at the historical link between waged work and social protection which is characteristic of both systems; on the other hand it considers the impact of the European Employment Strategy on national reforms. The historical retrospective reveals the eminently political nature of social protection and its intimate relationship with a vision of society based on a nation of wage‐earners. That vision is now being called into question but the kind of alternative political project needed to breathe life into the idea of Social Europe has yet to emerge. 相似文献
16.
S. Marklund 《International Journal of Social Welfare》1993,2(3):104-114
This article attempts to compare the social policy models of the west with social policies in post-totalitarian central and eastern Europe. It is argued that historical roots as well as recent developments make post-Communist social policy similar to the two major models in the west: the institutional redistributive model and the industrial achievement or performance model. The present problems of mass unemployment and growing poverty cannot be solved without a major reform of social policy, including state intervention and control. The residual social safety net and a strong market orientation are unlikely to be able to reduce poverty and unemployment. However, it is also argued that the strong role of the state and organized labour in both of these European welfare systems creates an obstacle to the future of social policy in the countries of central and eastern Europe. The state is viewed with great scepticism and organized mass social movements are weak in most of these countries. It will take time to develop such agents that can support the development of state social policy, and it may not even be accepted that the route of interventionist state welfare characteristic of western Europe is desirable. 相似文献
17.
18.
Bent Greve 《Social Policy & Administration》1996,30(4):348-367
This paper explores the extent to which, and the ways in which, it might be justified in talking of a movement towards convergence of social policy within Europe. It reviews definitions and typologies of the welfare state as a prelude to discussion of the different theoretical types and possibilities of social policy integration, which itself leads into consideration of supranational EU developments. The empirical data presented in respect of “social protection” expenditures (and taxation regimes) in general and of “active” and “passive” labour market expenditures in particular, lend support to the notion not merely that the welfare state is not yet over in Europe, but that forms of social policy convergence are in evidence already. 相似文献
19.
This article examines the ambivalent effect of social security on employment. First, an international comparison looks at protection from layoff by the employer, wage floors as defined in social and employment legislation, and levels of wage-related costs and their effect on employment. Simulations for western Germany are then used to analyse the effects on the labour market of lowering social security contributions. The conclusion which emerges is that the effects of social protection on employment are determined both by the way it is organized – and thus ultimately how much it costs – and by the way it is funded, i.e. who picks up the bill for social security. 相似文献
20.
欧洲法是一部关于法律多元主义的发展史。早在中世纪的欧洲,罗马共同法就已吸纳了罗马法、教会法以及地方法的多种元素。当下欧盟法也糅合了官方和非官方规则,从而形成多元的法律格局。借助欧洲私法整合运动,相应的"欧洲私法共同原理"和示范法取得了一定的法源地位。然而欧盟政界不仅没有很重视这些非正式法源,反而割裂了"欧盟法"与"欧洲私法共同原理"的内在联系。另一方面,各种示范法文本在促进私法融合的同时也加剧了私法的分歧,因此学者需要进一步提高文本的逻辑性和协调性。 相似文献