Research and policy with regard to ethnic minorities in the Netherlands: an historical outline and the state of affairs

This article presents an historical analysis of policy in postwar Netherlands concerning ethnic minorities. Between 1946-62, 250,000-300,000 repatriates, largely of Indonesian-Dutch descent, settled in the Netherlands. By 1983, 326,000 people were living in the Netherlands who were nationals of the 9 Mediterranean countries, with the largest groupings comprised by Turks (152,000) and Moroccans (100,500). Between 1960-83, the number of non-Dutch residents increased from 117,600 (1% of the population) to 542,600 (3.8%). It became apparent that government policy in this area was inadequate and that immigration was contributing to social problems. Members of minority groups who have immigrated to the Netherlands are staying in the country permanently and are at risk of sociocultural isolation. Since 1980, policy in this area has sought to create the conditions necessary to enable minority groups to participate in society, decrease their social and economic deprivation, and prevent discrimination through legal remedies. The Dutch minorities policy is not an immigrants policy, but rather a policy aimed at particular deprived groups with a separate culture who are at risk of stigmatization. Research has played an important role in the formulation of minorities policy and has focused on the supply side of the labor market process, housing, education, medical care, and social welfare. Research has aimed to contribute a solid theoretical foundation for the absorption process. Current government policies aimed at promoting the emancipation of minorities include stimulation of minorities' organizations, creation of opportunities to practice minority religions, mass media programs by and for minorities, the provision of education in the native language, and stimulation of minority representation of government bodies.     

The body as experienced: an embodied approach to the packaging of the Dai river bathing custom in Xishuang Banna,China

This article looks at the filming of the Dai river bathing custom by the media professionals for tourism promotion in Xishuang Banna, China. It speaks to the previous scholarships that have studied the Otherness of ethnic minorities in China's mainstream and popular representations. Yet this case contextualizes this issue in the era of China's domestic tourism, when ethnic cultures and bodies are increasingly put on display, experienced, and (re-)produced through individualized, immediate, embodied encounters in tourist zones. By taking embodied experiences to the center, this article studies the touristic representation of ethnic minorities as China's national Others from an angle of embodiment. It inquires how the embodied experiences of both media professionals and Dai bathers at the filming constitute the very process during which Otherness, difference, and selfness are perceived, actualized, and (re-)produced in localized reality and at the grassroots level.     

Outsider ethnic minorities and wage determination in China

While some studies on urban ethnic minorities in China indicate that they earn lower wages relative to the Han majority, others show little evidence of this gap. To understand this contradiction, the authors propose that the primary issue is a failure to fully disaggregate ethnic minority groups’ labour market experiences. Leveraging a large data set looking at China's ethnic minorities, findings suggest that “outsider minorities”, such as Tibetans and Turkic groups, suffer a significant wage penalty when controlling for covariates, while minorities in aggregate do not. These findings are robust across various specifications and have notable theoretical and policy implications.     

The Problematic Progress of ‘Integration’ in the Chinese State's Approach to Xinjiang, 1759 – 2005

The statement that Xinjiang is an integral province of the People's Republic of China (PRC) is not as banal as it would first appear. The primary question that arises from this statement is how—by what processes and strategies—was Xinjiang brought to its contemporary situation as a province of the PRC? This paper seeks to highlight that, although Xinjiang's history since the eighteenth century has been one of great turbulence and dynamism, underlying continuities in both the practice of Chinese power and perceptions of Xinjiang impact profoundly on contemporary China's rule of Xinjiang. Therefore, this study attempts to chart the transition of the Qing goal of territorial incorporation of the region based upon a system of indirect rule c.1760 to the post-imperial Chinese state's goal of territorial incorporation based on the extension of direct, modern strategies of government and control.     

American sociology’s changing interests as reflected in two leading journals

This study involves an analysis of the major topics published in theAmerican Journal of Sociology andAmerican Sociological Review from the 1890s through the 1970s. The data indicate that the discipline focused initially on its self-definition and major social problems, moving to more theoretical and methodological matters during the 1930s. The war years reflect a major concern with political matters, shifting to economic issues and the problems of minorities in later decades. The limitations of these normative and economic interests are discussed. He has concentrated on sociological theory, the history of sociology and comparative minority relations. He is presently engaged in a world-wide analysis of racial discrimination and conflict.     

When do stories change our minds? Narrative persuasion about social problems

Scholars in a number of disciplines have sought to assess the power of reading or viewing a personal story to modify people's beliefs. However, the research, which has been pursued under diverse programs, has produced conflicting findings. We focus on the persuasiveness of personal stories about problems that are structural (rather than individual) and whose solution requires government action. Overall, the research suggests that although personal stories can overcome people's tendency to resist new information, they often do not do so. People's preexisting beliefs, assumptions, and stereotypes affect their willingness to be absorbed by a story, to empathize with the stories' protagonists, and to endorse the message communicated by the story. We argue also for a sociological perspective on narrative persuasion, one which, unlike the mostly experimental research conducted so far, pays attention to the context in which people encounter stories and to the norms shaping people's assessment of a story as credible, relevant, and important.     

Childbearing Strategies Among the Uighur Urban Educated Elite in Ürümqi

Uighur families in Ürümqi, the capital of Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region in Northwest China, have undergone tremendous changes since 1949 and the start of People's Republic of China era. In the first decade of the PRC era Ürümqi experienced tremendous population growth among both the Han and Uighur population as well as going through an intense industrialisation process initiated by the central government. As urbanisation and industrialisation have continued until the present Uighur families have responded to these changes by initiating childbearing strategies that take into account government policy as well as their own interests. William Goode's convergence theory of family characteristics has helped conceptualise how families across diverse cultures change their decisionmaking strategies over the course of the transition to modernity. Uighur couples have had increasingly fewer children over the decades, based on factors they share in common with other modernising societies such as the late age of marriage, the increased power of women to regulate their births, the expense of raising children, and the difficulties of finding childcare. Goode's theory, however, does not account for the influence of a strong state which has proved to have a major influence in the decision of many Uighur couples to stop at one child.     

Assimilation as multiracialism: The case of Singapore's Malays

The myths of meritocracy and multiracialism ‘explain’ between them both the ‘fairness’ of the Singapore system and the subordinate role of the non-Chinese minority races. They also purport to assure the minorities that they enjoy full status as members of the nation-building project and that their cultural and religious mores are embraced and protected within its framework. Using the Malay minority as its case study, and arguing from archival, oral, official government and secondary sources, this paper argues that the Singapore systems of meritocracy and multiracialism have not been concerned primarily with intercommunal tolerance since the 1970s, but are now programmes of assimilation of the racial minorities into a Chinese-dominated society.     

Social Cognitive Theory and the Career Development of African American Women

No comprehensive model of the career development of racial and ethnic minorities has yet been developed; even less attention has been devoted to models of the career development of racial and ethnic minority women. One of the more promising career theories that may prove satisfactory in accounting for ethnicity in career development is Bandura's (1986) social cognitive theory (Lent & Brown, 1996; Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994). In this article, the authors selectively review the literature on African American women's career development to clarify how social cognitive mechanisms may be operating. The primary focus of this conceptual analysis is on the central elements of social cognitive theory, namely, self-efficacy and outcome expectations. Implications for counseling are presented.     

Xenophobia online: unmasking Singaporean attitudes towards ‘foreign talent’ migrants

In recent years, Singaporeans have become highly anxious about the future of their country and their own personal livelihood due to the influx of educated and professional migrants known as ‘foreign talent’ and express their ire at the presence of these migrants through xenophobic posts online. This article suggests that such comments, however, are indicative of the feelings of disillusionment and abandonment Singaporeans have towards the People's Action Party – the only government Singaporeans have ever known. While Singaporeans have been critical of their government on economic issues that impact their lifestyle and existence, it is the presence of foreign talent migrants that have pushed Singaporeans into using the migrant situation to emotively express their opinions of disappointment in the government and its policies online like no other issue, functioning as the unlikely glue that has galvanised and united an ethnically disparate Singaporean population.     

Making Hakka Spaces: Resisting Multicultural Nationalism in Taiwan

Projects of official nationalism have long been understood as state-sponsored attempts at enforcing cultural uniformity within the borders of the national territory. Contemporary nationalisms tend to compartmentalize minority cultural groups in a way that marginalizes those who are not seen as belonging to the core of the “modern” nation. Contemporary official Taiwanese nationalism promotes the “ethnic Taiwanese” (Hokkien) majority as the modern center of an otherwise diverse nation, primarily through the funding and ‘preservation’ of non-Hokkien cultural traditions. Though these programs that celebrate local cultures are more inclusive than earlier nationalisms in Taiwan, the terms of inclusion nonetheless function as a form of neoliberal state control of minorities, such as the Hakka (kejia ren). This article examines how Hakka “culture workers” (wenhua gongzuozhe) resist state attempts at spatial and symbolic marginalization. From producing ethnographies that create a Hakka neighborhood to organizing a parade route that symbolically links that neighborhood to Taipei's government and financial centers, Hakka culture workers resist multicultural nationalism by making Hakka spaces that are resistant to state attempts to marginalize them. I argue that their work is a prime example of how communities and individuals can successfully negotiate the cultural and spatial politics of the neoliberal state.     

Burmese Indians in contemporary Burma: heritage,influence, and perceptions since 1988

This article seeks to explore the current role, significance and influence of Burmese Indian minorities in post-1988 Burma as well as the perceptions the Burmese indigenous society and elite have developed on them since the colonial era. British Burma (1826–1948) witnessed a massive immigration of Indian communities that disproportionately dominated Burma's colonial enterprise. A strong resentment thus arose among the Burman Buddhist majority, illustrated by the rise of a popular ‘indophobia’ phenomenon. Paroxysmal expressions of the colonial original trauma were observed through recurrent pre-independence anti-Indian riots as well as a specific and enduring linguistic patronizing classification of the ‘Kalas’ by the Burmese language. Nationalistic administrative laws, enacted by the Burmese post-independence parliamentarian and military governments, furthered the downgrading and discrimination of Burmese Indians who remain however a visible minority today, with a manifest economic weight and a strong socio-cultural presence throughout Burma. In this paper, it will, however, be argued that after years of ‘Burmanization’ processes, Burmese old-age ‘indophobic’ sentiments have turned towards more ‘islamophobic’ tendencies, now explicitly targeting the Muslim communities of Indian origin, but that it remains difficult to evaluate their impact on Burma's current policymaking.     

A clash of civilizations? Examining liberal‐democratic values in Turkey and the European Union1

Turkey's proposed entry into the European Union (EU) has been undermined by Europeans’ perceptions of Turkish–European cultural differences, particularly regarding the liberal‐democratic values that the EU promotes (democracy, rule of law, and respect for and appreciation of minority/human rights). Yet, cross‐national research on values has not focused on Turkey, the EU, and these liberal‐democratic values, leaving assumptions of cultural differences and their explanations untested. Through analyses of World and European Values Survey data (1999–2002), this article asks whether people in Turkey have the same values regarding democracy, rule of law (versus religious and authoritarian rule), and minority/human rights as people in EU member and candidate states (as of 2000)? What factors explain these values? I find that people in Turkey support democracy to the same extent as people in EU member and candidate states, but people in Turkey are more supportive of religious and authoritarian rule and are less tolerant of minorities. Although the ‘clash of civilizations’ thesis expects liberal values to be ordered according to countries’ religious traditions, with western Christian the most supportive and Islamic the least, only for tolerance of minorities values is this pattern found. Instead, economic development most consistently explains differences between Turkey and EU member and candidate states in support for these values. I conclude with calls for theoretical refinement, particularly of the clash of civilizations thesis, along with suggestions for future research to examine more Muslim and Orthodox countries; I discuss the debate over Turkey's EU entry.     

The implications of ‘naming’ on Roma and Sinti right to education and social inclusion: an ethnography of education among a Sinti family network

Acknowledging the European political commitment to Roma education and the research in this field, my article deals with the experience of education of a Sinti ‘minority’ (The terms ‘minority’ and ‘majority’ will be used in this article, according to the meaning that is given to them within Anthropology and Education studies (cf.). The inverted commas are used to note that they are categories, used with the aim of a clearer explanation for the present text but not necessarily showing the complexity of the social and cultural contexts observed) in northern Italy. The study presents an interpretation of the observations collected during 21 months of ethnographic research among a Sinti family network and in a multicultural middle school, attended by their teenage children in Trent. The ethnographic interpretations point out how the languages and communication codes used within schools partly reproduce the asymmetric power relationships that exist between Roma and Sinti ‘ethnic minorities’ and the Italian so-called majority society. The process of ‘naming’ the ‘other’ plays a crucial role in this analysis, as it shows how meanings are imposed and handled in the relationship between institutions, ‘groups’ and individuals. Consequently, this process highlights the important role of anthropologists in pointing out the ‘emic’ and ‘etic’ (The concepts of ‘emic’ and ‘etic’ were coined in 1954 by the linguist Kenneth Pike and then used by anthropologists. ‘Emic’ refers to the ‘insiders’ points of view on their cultures, and ‘etic’ refers to the ‘outsiders’ accounts on cultures that are not their own) dimensions of every culture. Furthermore, the study’s methodology testifies to the author’s choice of pursuing an ‘engaged anthropology’. Finally, the relevance of the concept of propriospect will be stressed as a means to interpret educational and cultural processes in which the subjects actively take part, with particular attention to young Sinti and their peer groups.     

Inter-ethnic relations in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia 1

The article deals with the development of minority policies in Mongolia since independence from China, and focuses on the effects that these policies have had on inter-ethnic relations. The main groups studied are the Khalkha Mongols, the Kazakhs, the Tuvans and the Han Chinese. The definitions of these groups as either ündesten or yastan have also varied over time, which has created theoretically interesting complexities. The article contains a sociolinguistic study of the inter-ethnic relations, with particular emphasis on education, culture, media and publishing. Furthermore, the tendency of the Tuvans to identify ethnically with the Mongols rather than with the Kazakhs is analyzed from the point of view of a sub-minority–majority identification theory. In Inner Mongolia, the inter-ethnic relations are problematic, and there are also severe tensions between the Mongols of Inner Mongolia and those of Mongolia. These ethnic policies have also played an important role in the development of the inter-state relations between Mongolia and the People's Republic of China.     

A Search to Merge

This paper describes and discusses bilingual education and educational policies in Latvian primary education, especially with respect to the education of ethnic minorities. I assess whether the educational opportunities provided in the Latvian government's proposed models might support the integration of minorities into Latvian society. Furthermore, recommendations are given that relate to minority education in the future.     

Language as Both Human Capital and Ethnicity1

In this study, we estimate earnings differentials for knowledge of thirteen minority languages in Canada's three largest urban area. We find that conditional on knowledge of a majority language, knowledge of a minority language is associated with lower earnings. However, the negative differential diminishes for those languages with large local populations. This suggests a positive human capital effect which is for the most part swamped by a negative factor. We argue that this factor is a reflection of ethnicity operating either through ethnolinguistic labor market enclaves or labor market discrimination against minorities.     

Region,Social Identities,and Disclosure Practices as Predictors of Heterosexist Discrimination Against Sexual Minorities in the United States

Exposure to heterosexist discrimination may vary by a person's place of residency. Utilizing a minority stress perspective, an online survey of self‐identified lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals (n = 285) examined whether rural and small town inhabitants experienced greater exposure to six types of enacted stigma. After comparing the frequency of enacted stigma by community type, findings demonstrated that rural LGBs reported experiencing more homophobic statements, property damage, and employment discrimination than urban LGBs. Small town LGBs also encountered additional amounts of housing discrimination and were more often chased by strangers compared with urban sexual minorities. Finally, disclosure practices and hierarchies based on race and social class also influenced exposure to discrimination. The importance of spatial factors often intensified when respondents disclosed their sexual identity more publicly. When exploring racial and class differences, affluent sexual minorities experienced less employment discrimination and white sexual minorities were less likely to experience several forms of heterosexist events (especially being punched and kicked).     

Assessing School Climate Among Sexual Minority High School Students

ABSTRACT

Gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, questioning, and intersex (i.e., sexual minority) youth are often targets of aggression because of their sexual identity, both in and out of schools. Literature on school-related aggression toward sexual minority youth often relies on quantitative surveys or retrospective studies. Little non-retrospective research has been done with this population investigating the nature of bullying, school climate, and the effects of being a sexual minority youth in schools. Sixteen sexual minority high school youth participated in face-to-face, in-depth interviews. Results for the themes from these interviews are presented in four categories: Sexual minorities' overall perspective on their school climate, the nature of aggression in schools against sexual minorities when present, the characteristics of the victims and bullies, and the consequences of being a sexual minority in schools. These youth's perspectives provide support for existing literature on the nature of bullying while providing additional insights into the nature and deficiencies of the resources available to them at schools. Ideas for future research with sexual minority youth in school-based settings also are included.     

What it means to be a ‘model minority’: voices of ethnic Koreans in Northeast China

Ethnic Koreans in China have been widely recognized as a ‘model minority’ primarily for academic success. Using the data collected as part of a larger ethnographic research on Korean elementary school students, this paper examines how 27 Korean families construct meaning out of the model minority stereotype in the context of their lived experience in Northeast China. Research results indicate that Koreans constructed the multi-faceted nature of ‘model minority’ as a matter of cultural superiority and dual economic marginalization in the Chinese and South Korean mainstream societies, and valued education as a practical means to achieve economic upward mobility into the Chinese mainstream. This paper argues that the model minority stereotype with the cultural explanations for Korean success may reinforce the cultural deficiency argument about the academic failure of ‘backward’ minorities, silence the disadvantages suffered by Koreans in China's reform period and lead to no active intervention to remedy them.