Positivism and ‘Functional Theory’ in the Thought of Karl Polanyi, 1907–1922

Karl Polanyi is the author of a modern social science classic, The Great Transformation, as well as a number of well‐known and widely debated essays collected in Trade and Market in the Early Empires and Primitive, Archaic and Modern Economies. These texts were researched and written either during his second exile in 1930s Britain or in wartime or post‐war North America. Not so well known, however, are his Hungarian writings from the 1910s. Until recently, very few of these had been republished or translated, although this is in the process of being rectified [ Gareth Dale (forthcoming) : Karl Polanyi: The Hungarian Writings]. With reference to new translations of his Hungarian writings, to interviews with his daughter, Kari Polanyi‐Levitt, as well as to biographical essays by György Litván, Évá Gábor, Endre Kiss, and Zoltán Horváth, this article explores his early influences, drawing attention in particular to his flirtation with and then violent reaction against philosophical materialism and ‘objectivist’ sociology, his appreciation of Ernst Mach’s positivism, and his adherence to the ‘functional theory’ of contemporary Guild Socialism.     

A Russian Consul in Newcastle upon Tyne: Baron Al'fons Al'fonsovich Geiking (1860–1930) and Anglo-Russian Connections at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century

Baron Al'fons Al'fonsovich Geiking (Alfons von Heyking, 1860–1930) served as Russian consul in Newcastle upon Tyne in northern England from 1899 to 1908. His many publications included a 688-page book, England, Its State, Social and Economic Structure: Investigations and Observations in Imperial Russian Consular Service (St Petersburg, 1909). The article gives three reasons for the view that his body of work deserves to be brought into the scholarly domain. First, it pointed out the valuable insights that could be supplied by consuls (more valuable, in Geiking's view, than those of diplomats). Second, it drew in large measure on Geiking's first-hand knowledge of Britain's industrial north (whereas many representatives of foreign countries in Britain came to know only London and the surrounding counties). Third, Geiking was writing at a time of change in Anglo-Russian relations, when the two countries, perennially ambivalent about one another, started associating more closely in the wake of the Entente of 1907. Since, after Newcastle, Geiking served for eight years as Russian Consul-General in London, he was a not inconsiderable figure in the web of connections between Britain and Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century.     

Participation—for a change: Disabled young people lead the way

Virtually every Government programme for children and every Government Department in the UK is expected to involve children and young people in its policy development and service delivery (Children and Young People's Unit, 2001). It is the new orthodoxy. Yet, hard questions are often avoided when reciting the mantra of participation. Why bother? What has changed as a result? This paper first seeks to explore the constraints and limitations of this drive in public policy in England. Secondly, by looking at one specific example, it considers elements of practice to enable participation to be effective as a catalyst for change. Third, it proposes a framework that sets out an agenda for social inclusion that is itself influenced by children and young people and not reliant on the changing and often clashing fashions in Government.     

The invisibility of age: gender and class in later life

Sociology almost entirely neglects later life. This contrasts with social policy where elderly people are largely seen as a burden on society and their carers. The article examines three areas of sociological enquiry and suggests reasons for the omission of elderly people. Parallels are drawn with sociology's earlier neglect of women. The feminist agenda has largely excluded the concerns of elderly women and at times has contributed to the pathological image of elderly people as burdens to be shouldered by their daughters. We argue that sociological theories would be enriched by incorporating the experiences of elderly people within their theoretical net.     

Die Esser-Luhmann-Kontroverse als unbefriedigender Streit um die Grundlagen der Soziologie

The controversy about the foundations of Sociology between Hartmut Esser und exponents of the sociologic systems theory hasn't yet been satisfactorily settled. A basic reason for this point is that there is no systematic analysis from a distant comparative point of view, of what in the conceptions of Esser and Luhmann is meant by ?social“ as their central topic. The consequence is a debate in which both their social theories are discussed in a limited and superficial way. To avoid this kind of limitations and to come to a fruitful dispute, the theories have to be discussed comparatively starting with Esser's ?Model of Sociological Explanation“ and with Luhmann's concept of ?social system“. Starting with such a systematic comparison, not only deficits of the controversy can be detected, but essential problems and errors of the approaches become visible too. From such a starting point something else can be developed: that the controversial positions of their conceptualizing, of what they understand to be the central topic of Sociology, is much less different than is supposed to be. The proposed method can also be used to validate Esser's claim to have integrated in his conception the various theories of Sociology.     

Karl Polanyi as a spatial theorist

ABSTRACT

The ‘spatial’ turn in political economy has re-invigorated Marxian analysis, allowing for new research programmes into urbanization, geopolitics, and social movement activity amongst other topics. This tendency emerged through a critical re-reading of Marx and Gramsci, amongst others, uncovering spatial analyses embedded in the logic of their arguments. Conversely, Karl Polanyi’s interlocutors have tended to add geographical analysis as an additional layer of theory, reading space ‘in’ to the text. However, a close reading reveals that a concern with space permeates Polanyi’s analysis. As such, it is possible to read space ‘out’ of Polanyi, adding a level of theoretical rigour and logical consistency when applying his insights to geographic topics. This article carries out an exegesis of Karl Polanyi’s work, uncovering a theoretical framework that deals with space, place, scale, fixity, and motion. From this vantage point, the article considers the potential implications of this new geographical reading of Polanyi.     

Social work and therapy: Reclaiming a generic therapeutic space in child and family work

This paper reflects upon some mixed messages found in recent consultation and framework documents that have been issued as part of the debate surrounding the Government's emphasis upon education and training within its 'modernisation' agenda. It identifies the long-standing arguments about 'testing' versus 'learning' or 'contextual' paradigms and suggests that, perhaps, there is still scope to influence the future direction of social work. The author has drawn upon his research with social workers and their team managers in current post-qualification award programmes to argue for a renewed emphasis upon the inter-personal and relationship aspects of educational processes within more broadly conceived socio-cultural contexts. A focus upon reflexively defined concepts of 'engagement' and 'assessment' is used to explore constructivist arguments that locate individuals within an interplay of potential and constraints. It is argued that constructive engagements within revised conceptions of assessment can form the basis of a framework of continuing professional development that starts from and develops the unique realities of social work practice. This requires the committed involvement of more people, in the negotiation of a professional practice agenda for knowledge creation through relationships, rather than the imposition of more measures.     

Transnational issue networks in real and virtual space: the case of women,peace and security

To what extent do online issue networks serve as a proxy for their real‐space counterparts in structure and substance? This question is significant because a number of scholars have begun to study transnational advocacy networks through their representations online. We explored whether this assumption is valid by comparing the network composition and agenda composition of the advocacy network around ‘women, peace and security’, as operationalized through a web‐based survey of actual activists, and the network's online representations of itself, as measured through advocacy websites. Two specific concerns drove the study. First, how closely does the structure of issue networks, as represented on the World Wide Web, correspond with actual advocates' understanding of the players within a specific issue domain? Second, to what extent does the online issue agenda correlate with the most prominent issues described by real‐space advocates within a transnational network? Our findings yielded a high correlation between the online issue agenda and activists’ interpretations of the agenda. However, we found that while hyperlink analysis is an effective tool for identifying the ‘hubs’ or ‘gatekeepers’ within a specific issue network, the nature of the World Wide Web makes it is a blunt tool with which to capture the broader network. This suggests that while the web poses important opportunities as a data source, scholars of transnational networks must pay closer attention to the methodological assumptions implicit in their reliance on this and other new media.     

Where Is Gender in Agenda Setting?

Abstract

Why do some issues surge to the forefront of our attention while others languish in obscurity? Feminist scholars have explored the emergence of issues such as rape, battering, no-fault divorce, pay equity, and other women's issues on the public agenda. Despite a burgeoning body of literature on feminist social movements within history, political science, and sociology over the last twenty-five years, scholars of agenda setting, public policy, and American politics more generally have largely ignored this work. Not surprisingly, this research cannot be simply added in to the dominant agenda setting theoretical paradigm; rather, the findings disrupt conventional understandings. This essay critiques two canonical works, Kingdon's Agendas, Alternatives and Public Policies(1995) and Baumgartner and Jones's Agendas and Instability in American Politics(1993), and discusses exemplary feminist research. It argues that if we want to know how norms change we need to broaden our scope beyond political elites and interest groups to include social movements and newly politicized grassroots activists. We must see change as produced by networks of insiders and outsiders rather than exclusively caused by elites in formal positions. Feminist scholarship also takes seriously the discursive and emotional aspects of politics rather than utilizing a narrow pluralist framework. Moreover, it recognizes the important yet neglected role of law as both an arena and a discourse.     

Children's Participation,Childhood Publics and Social Change: A Review

Progress in the implementation of children's participation rights in England is reviewed and situated within a broader agenda of social change. The article argues that much of the energy for ‘change for children’ has resided within a governance pathway across policy, practice and research. An alternative perspective is offered by re‐connecting children's rights debates to those of social movements and asking whether childhood publics are possible, what they might look like and where they might be found. It is concluded that a cross‐national and longitudinal perspective grounded in everyday life is likely to provide a more nuanced understanding of the change for children.     

Black Ethnographic Activists: Exploring Robert Park,Scientific Racism,The Chicago School,and FBI Files Through the Black Sociological Experience of Charles S. Johnson and E. Franklin Frazier

Charles S. Johnson and E. Franklin Frazier were successful Black sociologists from the 1920s to 1960s, working in an age of scientific racism and eugenics, who battled racial oppression, racist discrimination, and surveillance under the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Both struggled within and against the assimilationist paradigm, yet their ethnographic and critical insights speak out today with continuing relevance in the fight against practical and institutional racial injustice. This study selectively examines Johnson and Frazier's academic careers as forgotten ethnographer activists who have been largely excluded from the dominant narrative of the Chicago School of Sociology. This article argues Robert Park offered opportunities to these Black scholars although the white university system exclusively directed their work towards race studies. Furthermore, the white discipline of sociology failed to recognize Johnson and Frazier's critical ethnographic studies as part of interactionism.     

New bottles for new wine: Julian Huxley,biology and sociology in Britain

Although sociologists in Britain have debated the nature of their field's relationship with biology since the late nineteenth century, interest in the full range of responses has only grown in recent years. This paper contributes to the spirit of historical revisionism by turning to the work of the biologist and first director of UNESCO, Julian Huxley (1887–1975). Paying particular attention to the doctrine he called ‘scientific humanism’ and his ideas about a biosocial agenda separate from the priorities of biology itself, the paper uses historical tools to address a concern that has frequently cast a shadow over debates about biosocial science: does it interfere with the progressive agenda sociologists have traditionally seen themselves as contributing to? The paper argues that Huxley's work is evidence that biosocial science is compatible with progressive goals and that recent developments in biology mean it may be the ideal time to reconsider long-standing attitudes.     

PROMOTING RESILIENCE AND PROTECTIVE FACTORS IN THE CHILDREN'S FUND

As part of the broader prevention and social inclusion agenda, concepts of risk, resilience, and protective factors inform a range of U.K. Government initiatives targeted towards children and young people in England, including Sure Start, the Children's Fund, On Track, and Connexions. This paper is based on findings from a large qualitative dataset of interviews conducted with children and their parents or caregiver who accessed Children's Fund services as part of National Evaluation of the Children's Fund research.¹ Drawing on the notion of young people's trajectories, the paper discusses how Children's Fund services support children's and young people's pathways towards greater social inclusion. While many services help to build resilience and protective factors for individual children, the paper considers the extent to which services also promote resilience within the domains of the family, school, and wider community and, hence, attempt to tackle the complex, multi-dimensional aspects of social exclusion affecting children, young people, and their families.     

Stjepan Metrović and Michel Maffesoli's 'implosive' defence of the Durkheimian tradition: theoretical convergences around Baudrillard's thesis on the 'end' of the social

This paper critically examines Metrovi? and Maffesoli's attempt to understand postmodernity through Émile Durkheim's nonrational link between society, religion and morality. Metrovi? (1991, 1997) and Maffesoli's (1996) work draws upon this emotional element when attempting to refute Baudrillard's (1983) cognitively focused, if implicit, critique of the Durkheimian tradition. Despite their best intentions, Metrovi? and Maffesoli still fail to exploit the partialities of Baudrillard's critique to the full. While both have some appreciation of the link between emotion and religion as found in Durkheim's The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912) they, nevertheless, fall short of grasping its full conceptual importance. This leads them to an implicit acceptance of Baudrillard's thesis on the ‘end’ of the social. This pitfall could have been avoided if Metrovi? and Maffesoli had built their respective analyses of the postmodern condition on a closer reading of The Elementary Forms. Reading this text alongside those other insights on emotion and social life as contained within Durkheim and Mauss's Primitive Classification (1903) and Talcott Parsons's subsequent writings on the sociological problem of religion, would have helped to distance the work of Metrovi? and Maffesoli from that of Baudrillard, and allowed them to offer a stronger and more comprehensive defence of the said tradition.     

Sociological contributions to the study of social innovation: A critical review

Sociology has long been interested in innovating solutions to social problems. However, this desire has also been a source of controversy as it can conflict with the discipline's ambition also to be recognized as a hard science. This paper critically reviews sociological contributions to the study of social innovation. It first contextualizes these contributions by discussing the origins of sociology's interest in transforming society, the growing tension between that interest and sociology's other aspiration to create objective knowledge about the social world, and how more sociologists have relocated to business schools where most research on social innovation is now being conducted. Next, it summarizes sociologists' contributions, which emphasize how social innovation is organized by institutions, networks, social movements, and organizations themselves. It then discusses criticisms of this work and responses to these critiques. It concludes by asking whether sociologists' research on social innovation has advanced their discipline's dual mission of reforming and explaining society and what additional studies are needed.     

Some advantages of Canadian disunity: how Quebec sovereignty might aid economic development in English-speaking Canada*

Les conflits relatifs au partage des pouvoirs entre de grandes communautés ethniques possédant chacune un ensemble complet d'institutions peuvent aboutir à une décentralisation telle que l'État cesse d'être un instrument efficace de planification économique et que l'économie du pays commence à en souffrir. Le cas de tiraillements Canado-québécois illustre ce type de processus et soulève la question suivante: l'avenir économique du Canada ne serait-il pas plus prometteur si le Québec devenait indépendant? Jurisdictional disputes between large, institutionally complete ethnic communities in a single society may promote so much decentralization of authority that the state becomes ineffective as an economic planner. Economic decline may result. The Canada/Quebec case illustrates this process and suggests that Quebec independence may improve Canada's economic prospects.     

Place making,grassroots organizing,and rural protest: A case study of Anahim Lake,British Columbia

Contemporary rural social movements bring diverse interest groups and stakeholders together at the local scale in the pursuit of common visions and goals, often against the backdrop of an external threat. The challenge for a movement's leaders is to negotiate and design a rural agenda that resonates with this complex constituency. One way to approach this problem is to construct and politicize a local sense of place as a means of rallying insiders against outside forces and pressures. This article explores the place-making activities of rural leaders operating within a complex social setting through an analysis of a grassroots social movement in Anahim Lake, British Columbia. The study uses the concept of the “place frame” to explore how Anahim's activists created a local discursive framework that enabled them to bridge dissimilar environmental values and practices within the community. The removal of external pressures following protest, however, saw the dissolution of this alignment. In documenting this process, the article contributes to a fuller understanding of the significance of place in grassroots protest and activism.     

Equalising opportunities in health through educational policy

Despite the growing prominence of theoretical analysis of inequality of opportunity over the past twenty years, empirical work towards the normative evaluation of real-world policies has been minimal. This paper seeks to address this issue. It proposes a normative framework to model the influence of educational policy on health outcomes, grounded in Roemer’s model of equality of opportunity. We apply this model to the National Child Development Study cohort, who, since their schooling lay within the transition period of the comprehensive education reform in England and Wales, attended different types of secondary school. We use this reform in two ways: first, to evaluate the health outcomes of different educational policies under different normative principles; second, to simulate counterfactual distributions of health outcomes by neutralising the different channels through which early life circumstances influence health. Evidence on the comparative performance of the two educational systems is mixed, suggesting that the opportunity-enhancing effects of the comprehensive reform were, at best, modest in terms of adult health. For some of the health outcomes considered, this leads to a convergence between the policy recommendations made by the two ethical principles of equality of opportunity and utilitarianism, while for others, the two principles diverge in their evaluation.     

Where has all the Youth Crime Gone? Youth Justice in an Age of Austerity

Youth justice under the Coalition government in England and Wales has been characterised by considerable gains — falling youth crime, increased diversion and substantial reductions in child imprisonment — that would generally be associated with a progressive agenda. Focusing on youth justice policy in England and Wales, this article suggests that the tensions implicit in a government of the new right delivering outcomes that demonstrate an increased tolerance to children who offend can be explained by the logic of austerity. That same logic brings with it other policy measures that are potentially less compatible with children's well‐being.