From administering administrative divisions to regional public administration： a game analysis of evolution in the pattern of governance by the government

区域公共管理实质上是政府治理方式上的制度变迁,即打破原有行政区行政的制度安排,重塑利益格局的制度演变过程。在这一过程中,始终贯穿着不同利益主体的博弈,从而最终形成新的制度——相关因素充分博弈后的契约格局。这些博弈关系主要包括中央政府与地方政府的博弈、地方政府之间的博弈等。对可能出现的博弈困境提出树立合作的“重复博弈”思维,建立良好的信息沟通以及双边或多边协商机制,进一步转变政府职能、斩断地方政府与社会经济主体的利益连带关系,强化中央政府的宏观调控职能,是建立区域公共管理制度、实现政府治理形态嬗变的有效引导性对策。     

地方政府行为与住房市场健康发展研究——一个研究框架

住房市场是一个分散、区域性分割的市场,中央政府无法直接调节,对住房市场的微观调控是地方政府的职责之一。地方政府在住房市场的职责贯穿从住房生产到房屋消费的各个环节,涉及确定需求、土地供应、存量管理、基础设施建设等众多领域,有时甚至直接给特定群体提供住房。以地方政府行为视角建立一个分析框架,重点剖析地方政府在住房市场中的职责,住房市场利益相关者及管制创新,住房健康发展的内在机制,中央—地方在住房市场既分工又协作的二级管理模式有效运转的约束条件,地方住房战略制定及其有效性等问题,有助于促进我国住房市场的健康发展。     

"So Many Tiers, So Many Agendas, So Many Pots of Money": The Challenge of English Regionalization for Voluntary and Community Organizations

This paper looks at the challenges facing voluntary and community organizations (VCOs) within the new policy context of English “regionalism”, drawing primarily on an empirical study in one of the emerging Regions. Barriers to voluntary and community sector (VCS) engagement with the new regional governmental organizations and the new regional policy agenda are identified. The role of VCS “infrastructure” organizations in facilitating relationships with regional levels of government is also considered. The concepts of exchange, ownership, trust and legitimacy are then employed to analyse and explain the implications for English VCOs of working with a new tier of government at regional level. The paper concludes by reconsidering the nature of the relationship between VCOs and “government” in the light of the new policy context presented by English regionalism combined with central government interest in building the capacity and infrastructure of the voluntary sector.     

Professionals in the Firing Line

Summary The article describes the impact of the 1972 miners strike uponthe local social and youth workers in the Ayrshire mining villageof Auchinleck and examines how some of the experiences of thestrike may have implications for community development programmeswhich are currently being promoted in this and other areas. While a number of factors disposed the social and youth workersin the village to identify positively with the miners strugglethey encountered, particularly during the early weeks of thestrike, considerable suspicion and hostility from the minerson the local strike committee. The front line workers foundthemselves being labelled as part of the 'system' with whichthe miners were in conflict It is suggested that the sharplypolarized nature of the confrontation between the miners andthe central government, coupled with the remedial image of thesocial and youth services were the central forces in creatingthis situation. The problem the social and youth workers experiencedin establishng a positive and promotional identity, in the eyesof the miners, is discussed in relation to community developmentprogrammes. It is argued that the status of social and youthworkers as government employees may, especially in conflictsituations which involve the central government, place limitationsupon their ability to negotiate collaborative relationshipswith local community groups     

生态移民过程中的政府、市场与家户

通过对内蒙古S旗的实地研究，我们发现生态移民政策的实践过程是一个由中央政府、地方政府、市场精英、农牧民等多元社会行动主体共同参与的社会过程。在复杂互动关系的背后是由政府力量、市场力量以及地方民众所形成的权力和利益网络。自上而下的生态治理脉络中，地方政府处于各种关系的连接点上，其集“代理型政权经营者”与“谋利型政权经营者”于一身的“双重角色”，使环境保护目标的实现充满了不确定性。     

Jobs in the Bush: Global Industries and Inclusive Rural Development

How do rural communities manage the challenge of local governance and community capacity‐building, given the policy choices of central government (both state and national) in favour of global resource‐development industries? Central government policy choices expose rural communities to the vagaries of the global economy, even as the Australian government's stated intent vis‐à‐vis rural Australia is the exact opposite: to encourage locally driven economic and community sustainability. Rural development policy in Australia often has the effect of denying the very outcomes it hopes to achieve. On the one hand, government policies encourage rural communities to be independent, to build ‘social capital’, and to add value to their local produce; on the other hand, macroeconomic policies change the contexts within which these communities function, creating a tension which is difficult to reconcile. In the case of the Western District of Victoria, an established agricultural and pastoral region, the cycles of economic activity have been disrupted in recent years by new and exciting global industries whose trajectories sit largely outside local control. This paper questions whether governments have a systemic view of the impact of these competing demands on rural communities, and calls for a more informed, whole‐of‐government policy‐making for the development of Australia's rural regions.     

文件治理中的政策采纳及其影响因素研究:基于国家和省级政府政策文本(2008—2018)数据

“文件治国”是中国国家治理的基本表现形态，不同中央政策在各地被采纳与实施的情况也是国家治理问题的核心研究议题。本文尝试突破以往政策扩散研究多只关注特定单项中央政策在各地扩散过程的局限，结合长时段大样本农村政策文本数据，对中央政府2008—2018年发布的多项农村政策在各地的扩散过程进行实证分析，相对系统地考察了中央层面的行政压力和经济激励，以及地方层面的执行能力和内在动力等因素及其交互作用对政策采纳的影响，进而对中国正式政策文件运作的基本过程和内在机制进行探讨。研究显示，自上而下的行政压力越大，经济激励越大，地方层面的执行能力越强，地方政府采纳中央农村政策的概率就越容易显著增加。从交互关系来看，中央政府对农村议题重视程度的提高会减小不同执行能力省份的政策采纳差异，也会减小不同经济激励政策的采纳差异。     

Environmental Policy Attitudes: Issues,Geographical Scale,and Political Trust*

Objectives. This article examines environmental policy attitudes, focusing on the differences in preferences across issue type (i.e., pollution, resource preservation) and geographical scale (i.e., local, national, global). In addition, we study whether an individual's trust in government influences environmental policy attitudes. Methods. Analyzing data from the 2007 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we estimate a series of OLS regression models to examine the public's environmental policy attitudes. Results. We find stronger public support for government action to address pollution issues than resources issues, and stronger support for local and national pollution abatement than dealing with global problems. We also find that Republicans and ideological conservatives are less likely to support further government effort to address the environment, and that more trusting individuals are more favorable to government action to address pollution and global issues. Conclusion. Environmental policy attitudes vary by the nature of the issue; however, political ideology and partisan affiliation are consistent predictors of preferences across issues, even when controlling for an individual's level of trust in government.     

Discerning self‐interested behaviour in attitudes towards welfare state responsibilities across Europe

Baslevent C, Kirmanoglu H. Discerning self‐interested behaviour in attitudes towards welfare state responsibilities across Europe Int J Soc Welfare 2011: 20: 344–352 © 2010 The Author(s), International Journal of Social Welfare © 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare. This article reports on an investigation into the influence of individual characteristics on attitudes to government responsibility for welfare‐related tasks using data from the European Social Survey. The main finding of this investigation was that socio‐demographic characteristics, basic personal values, a left–right ideological position and religious affiliation were all associated with attitudes towards welfare policies. An item‐by‐item examination of the six issues enquired about in the survey revealed that people tended to hold the government responsible for tasks that would benefit them more directly. Taken as a whole, the empirical findings were interpreted to mean that individuals' tastes for welfare state policies were driven, at least partially, by self‐interest, but it was also noted that further work was needed to disentangle the potential role of group loyalty effects.     

从分税制到项目制:制度演进和组织机制

分税制改革以后,中国随之进行了公共预算体制改革,由此形成了一种新的国家治理体制——项目制。地方政府的项目支出主要有三种类型：上级专项转移支付、上级非补助性项目支出和本级项目支出。三类项目支出在地方得以汇聚和重组,在很大程度上形塑了基层政府的财政结构。项目制本质上不是对科层制的一种摆脱或超越,而是国家主动对政府科层体系的一次完善和补充,是近代国家政权建设在新时期的延续与拓展。项目制的直接目的是“硬化”预算约束,深层目的是增强政府的回应能力,二者在实践中呈现一定张力,政府治理的理性化和技术化并不必然增强其对公共需求的回应能力,甚至可能形成反向效应。     

腐败经历与腐败感知:基于调查实验与直接提问的双重检验

本文采用“列举实验法”来解决测量腐败经历时的社会意愿偏差问题,提出两个核心发现：与没有腐败经历的个体相比,有过腐败经历的个体会更倾向于认为政府是腐败的,同时认为政府的反腐败能力更弱,对政府的反腐败满意度也更低;腐败经历对腐败感知的影响在不同层级的政府中有差异,与中央政府相比,腐败经历对地方政府的腐败感知和反腐败评价影响更强烈。民众可以绕过间接因素直接获得对腐败的认知,因此,要改善民众对政府腐败和反腐败的主观态度,提升获得感,仅仅靠舆论和宣传是不够的,只有切实解决与老百姓生活密切的腐败问题,才能真正赢得反腐败的胜利。     

一统体制的内在矛盾与条块关系

在中央与地方关系研究上，最近十年发展起来的一种理论视角是从一统体制的内在矛盾出发，探讨此种矛盾引发的应对机制及其形成的国家治理模式和治理逻辑。但是，此种理论视角忽略了条块关系的作用，未能把条块关系纳入理论分析范围。本文试图拓展这种理论视角，把“一统体制的内在矛盾”扩展为“多元化的国家能力建构所包含的冲突”，为解释包括条块关系在内的中央与地方关系提供一般化的理论分析框架。本文认为，条块关系之形成，是中央政府为了建构多元化的国家能力、控制国家能力建构上的冲突所导致的结果。进一步，国家能力建构上的冲突的演变又导致了条块关系的演变。     

项目制与政府间权责关系演变：机制及其影响

项目化运作是近年来国家治理的重要模式。既有研究已揭示：在项目制下,上级政府控制权增加,而下级政府的统筹治理能力被压缩。本文通过考察国家妇女小额贷款项目的演变过程发现,在项目制下,政府间权责关系的明晰化使下级政府可以通过倒逼机制影响上级部门的行为,维护地方政府利益。这实际上反映出,项目化运作不仅提供了从上至下的控制渠道,也同时增生了由下至上的反控手段。在这种演变中,上下级政府间关系出现了新的变化,双方围绕权责关系展开互动博弈,进而影响国家与社会关系,出现基层治理的“脱嵌”现象。     

Ideology,Diversity, and Imprisonment: Considering the Influence of Local Politics on Racial and Ethnic Minority Incarceration Rates*

Objective. To test the influence of local (county) politics on minority incarceration rates. Methods. Data are collected at the county level in California to create a pooled cross‐sectional data set. OLS regression models predicting black, Hispanic, and white incarceration rates (in state prison) are used in the analysis. Results. Counties' ideological orientations and racial and ethnic contextual characteristics significantly impact minority incarceration rates. Greater ideological conservatism within counties is associated with higher rates (as a proportion of their population) of both black and Hispanic incarceration. Consistent with racial threat theory, results show counties with greater racial and ethnic diversity are more likely to incarcerate blacks and Hispanics. Tests for interaction effects indicate that greater county diversity decreases the punitive effects of ideological conservatism on minority incarceration. Conclusion. Political forces nested within states systematically shape how state government incarceration power is distributed across different racial and ethnic groups.     

Collaboration between Health and Local Authorities: Why is it necessary?

In contrast with current proposals, collaboration with local government was a dominant factor in the 1974 reorganisation of the NHS. Four categories of such collaboration are identified in this paper: the sharing of services; coordination of service delivery; joint planning; and joint prevention. The need for each is discussed in the context of the reorganisation debate and of subsequent events. In essence, the DHSS case for collaboration — and in particular, its emphasis on joint planning — is seen as both a cause of reorganisation and a consequence of the form which that reorganisation eventually took. Emphasis is placed upon the potential role of collaboration as a vehicle for a preventive health strategy and as an important instrument for the development and implementation of major central government policy objectives. Finally prospects for the continuing evolution of joint working are considered in relation to NHS restructuring. It is concluded that the present government's approach to the structure and management of the NHS is likely to undermine its substantive policy objectives especially in the field of community care.     

从矿区政府到地方政府:中国油田地区条块关系的形成与演变

条块关系是由“条”与“块”分别承担的任务之冲突程度决定的，条块关系的演变也是由任务之间的冲突变化所导致的。如果中央政府需要下属政府机构同时完成多项任务，那么，多项任务之间的冲突将导致条与块的形成，而且，其冲突的严重程度决定了条块关系的特征，即决定了条块结合程度的高低。进而言之，任务之间的冲突程度上升将推动条块结合程度下降；反之，将导致条块结合程度上升。这一观点来源于多任务委托—代理理论，在本研究中得到了油田地区条块关系的支持，即可以解释在六个设市的油田地区条块关系的形成与演变。     

中国的集权与分权:“风险论”与历史证据

在中国历史上，中央集权与地方分权的关系经历了一系列重大演变。这些演变给我们提出如下三类问题：第一，在地方政治体制上，为什么一部分王朝在开国初期采用了分封制，而当王朝稳定下来之后，却又谋求削藩?第二，在边疆和西南少数民族地区，为什么元代和明代采用“土司制”，清代却推行“改土归流”?第三，在省级政区和省级政府的设置上，为什么汉人政权表现出兴废不定和周期性循环，而游牧民族建立的中原王朝却不存在这种循环?此外，清代之后建立的汉人政权为什么又打破了这种周期循环，建立起稳定的省级政区和统一的省级政府?本文论证了上述问题可以用“风险论”——即中央政府追求“统治风险最小化”的行为及其面临的约束条件——来解释，还同时比较了“风险论”与“帝国的治理逻辑”和“行政发包制模型”在解释能力上的差别。     

财政收入垂直分配关系及其均衡增长效应(英文)

不断扩大的地区间差异困扰着中国发展,并成为社会稳定的重要隐患。为了缓解地区间差距可能引发的各种矛盾,中国政府在1994年分税体制改革之后确立了具有集权倾向的财政收入垂直分配关系。通过财政资金的大规模双向流动,这种财政收入垂直分配关系促进了财政资金的跨区域配置和财政能力的地区间均等。但作为分权体制的重要制度安排,其在均衡地区间经济增长方面的作用却很有限,主要表现为大规模收入集中对经济发达地区的增长抑制。财政收入垂直分配关系的这些影响与地方财政非税收入依赖程度以及中央专项补助水平存在明显交互作用,前者显著弱化了财政收入过度集中的不利增长效应,后者却显著弱化了中央补助的增长激励。     

Patronage and Participation, Problem and Paradox: a Case Study in Community Work

Summary This paper describes the emergence and development of a neighbourhood-basedself-help organization. For over three years it has been staffedby self-styled community workers. For the first two years theworkers were mostly ex-students who hoped that this organizationcould be a means of effecting radical forms of social change.They have been succeeded by local people whose main purposeis to provide a social service. This transition produced disagreementbetween the different community workers. But it is a trend whichshould confound any stereotype ideas about community workersas always out of sympathy with all aspects of the establishment. The organization has moved from concern with one issue to providingvarious community services. It has passed through stages ofdevelopment characterized by the liabilities of newness, byattempts to' plan and consolidate and by efforts to resist becomingan established organization. The latter stages also became liabilitiesof 'success'. A central problem in this community work enterprise is the relationshipbetween participation and patronage. This refers to the problemof how to elicit and maintain local interest and support andthe paradox, that although outside help may be one way of ensuringthat local groups survive, it may also limit local people'sinvolvement and influence their goals. Dependence on patronsand a reluctance to organize local participation affected theorganization's development: patrons provided various resourcesbut were possibly a disincentive to the development of localinitiatives. The nature of free participation resulted in anunintended drift towards more conventional forms of social service,albeit in an unconventional setting     

Governance struggles in the case of Camp Carroll conflict

This research examines the multifaceted governance struggles associated with the alleged burial of Agent Orange at Camp Carroll in Chilgok County, Korea. To deal with this incident, the Korea central government forms bureaucratic conflict management system, which can be characterised as a joint response system, a one-voice system for press briefing, and an intergovernmental joint supporting group. However, this system conflicts with the participatory governance of local governments and civic society. This research explores why the Korean central government's bureaucratic conflict management prevails over the participatory governance of local governments and environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs). It argues that the Status of Forces Agreement between Korea and the USA provides the Korean central government with a reason to curb the participation of local governments and environment NGOs in the governance of Camp Carroll conflict.