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1.
英语学习的五项技能包括:听、说、读、写、译。其中,"听"位居第一位,具有举足轻重的地位。但是由于听力能力的提高很难在短时间内取得明显效果,所以与其他几项技能相比,学生在听力方面的自信心明显不足。本文尝试从听力课堂到听力考试全程激发学生的自主学习能力,使听力学习从被动变为主动,提高学生的学习兴趣,从而为学生未来的专业发展扫清英语障碍。  相似文献   

2.
魏爱晶 《现代交际》2010,(7):142-142
《中学英语课程标准》中指出,语言技能包括听、说、读、写四种技能以及这四种技能的综合运用。其中听是学习英语的基础,放在首位。听力如此重要,我们应该采取什么措施来提高听力水平,是摆在英语教师面前的一个新课题。本文从影响中学生听力的几个因素入手,提出了提高中学生听力水平的具体方法。  相似文献   

3.
大学英语学习强调"听、说、读、写、译"这五种能力的培养,其中"听"占第一位,是衡量学生英语语言综合能力的一项重要指标。随着计算机网络技术的快速发展,许多高校都建立了大学英语听力网络自主学习平台,但学生在这种新模式下进行自主学习的过程中仍然面临一定的困难。本文以大学生在网络环境下的听力自主学习为切入点,探讨了听力学习策略的重要性,并从学生、教师以及策略的培训三个方面提出一些建议。  相似文献   

4.
听力是外语学习中听、说、读、写四项语言技能之一,是学生语言交际能力的重要方面.本文从听力理解与语音、语调,听力理解与语法知识.听力理解与词汇等方面阐述了提高英语听力的途径。  相似文献   

5.
随着时代的发展和进步,英语作为一种国际通用语在贸易往来和文化交流过程中起着不可替代的作用,掌握好英语这种交际工具能够对学生将来的发展有着深远的影响。现代语言教育理论高度重视"听"在语言学习和语言使用中的作用。听力教学既是一种语言教学,也是一种技能的培养。在听、说、读、写这四项技能中,听是最基础的、最重要的技能。它不仅是获取语言信息的主要途径,还是提高其他技能的基础。  相似文献   

6.
在英语教学中,教师非常重视听、说、读、写四项技能的综合训练和培养。听力至关重要,因为它是反映人的语言能力的一个重要方面、是获取语言信息及语言感受的最主要的途径、是交流的前提,是英语学习的基础。如何提高学生的英语听力水平,使他们在考试中取得好成绩,成了广大英语教师共同关注的问题。作为一名初中英语教师,我们应该深入理解、钻研、抓好听力教学,以培养出全面、合格的外语人才。  相似文献   

7.
张海彦 《职业时空》2008,4(9):233-233
听力教学是大学英语教学中培养学生听、说、读、写、译综合技能的重要环节之一,旨在使学生能够听懂各种听力材料,并能对所听内容进行内容表述,完成听力任务,以此培养学生的听力理解能力和语言交际能力。然而,听力往往是学生英语学习中的薄弱环节,多年来是英语教学中难以突破的难关。部分学生也因听力差、上课听不懂而失去对英语学习的兴趣和积极性,以致放弃了英语学习。而教师忽视或缺省听前行为过程则是造成这种情况的原因之一。此种教学方法也是教师对听力理解过程理解不全面或片面造成的,即仅仅将听力理解视之为一个简单的接收信息的被动吸收过程,把学生看成是接收信息的“录音机”。  相似文献   

8.
英语是一种语言类的学科,学习语言性的学科一定要熟练的掌握这种语言的听、说、读、写。当我们还是孩童的时候,学习母语最快的方法就是听,在别人用言语交流的过程中,我们通过听,学会了这种语言。学习英语也是这样的道理,听力在学习英语中是最为重要的环节,想要学好英语,就首先要训练好听力。文章中陈述了影响学生英语听力的几种原因,并且说明了解决这些问题的方法,和教师高效教学学习英语听力的方法。  相似文献   

9.
吴华对 《现代交际》2012,(3):165-166
英语作为一种交际工具,在社会中起着举足轻重的作用。学习英语的关键是培养和提高"听、说、读、写"四种基本能力。在这四种能力的培养过程中,培养听的能力尤为重要,而听力则是英语学习的基础,是英语教学中最基本、最重要的一种能力,也是教学目标之一,听力教学能培养学生理解和应答口头语言的能力,目前已普遍受到重视。  相似文献   

10.
毕晨慧 《现代交际》2010,(11):32-32
《英语教学大纲》中指出语言技能包括听、说、读、写技能以及这四种技能的综合运用。本文结合《英语教学大纲》阐述了听、说、读、写之间的关系,并对学生“听、说、读、写”四种技能的培养进行了论述和实践。实践证明:这四种能力的培养有助于提高学生学习英语的兴趣和自信心,有助于教学质量的提高。  相似文献   

11.
Field research on ‘young Moroccan Jihadists in Syria and Iraq from northern Morocco’ unexpectedly revealed the mundane factors behind their recruitment represented in the self-realization and the search for heroism, adventure and money, were the main reasons for the recruitment of young people in northern Morocco terrorist organizations, especially the Daesh. The religious factor is secondary. To combat terrorism and extremism which is spreading in the MENA region requires political will. Appropriate laws should be enacted as soon as possible and policies must be implemented to ensure border control, the closure of financing ports, propaganda platforms, anti-addiction, etc.  相似文献   

12.
13.
The European Commission's specialized services are trying to tighten their grip over viticulture by invoking the legitimating figure of a “new consumer”. Accordingly, growers who work small vineyards are unable to make a wine adapted to market trends. They should, therefore, withdraw from wine-growing and enjoy the subsidies granted by the EU for uprooting vineyards. In Aude Department, southern France, small wine-growers take issue with this analysis, which, in their opinion, caves in to the pressure exerted by traders and hypermarket chain stores. However, there have been no protest actions against the Commission's decisions. This can be explained by the way the EU's policy is embedded in national and local conflicts. Although we cannot point to any joint plan, administrations, trade associations and political parties are developing practices that prevent organized protests.  相似文献   

14.
An intriguing shift in the public interest of Roma, Gypsy and Traveller minorities has been the rise of the ‘Gypsy’ reality TV star in shows across Europe (‘Gypsy’ is the word most often used in popular media culture). The latest phenomenon to hit the UK has been the Channel 4 series Big Fat Gypsy Weddings (Firecracker Films, Channel 4, 2010–2013), a flamboyant production that has garnered both huge audience shares and fierce criticism, with commentators berating its narrow, sensationalist focus. Drawing on both specialized literature on Roma minorities and current sociological debates on reality TV formats, this article raises questions about how the politics of the ‘demotic turn’ of such formats (as noted by Turner in 2004) can lean towards the demonic through emphasizing such groups as spectacular, extraordinary and above all, negatively different. Furthermore, this article shows how the series not only reproduces old stereotypes of Gypsies and Travellers as different, ethnicized others but is also heavily embroiled in UK gender and class discourses. Whilst the series claims to be a unique insight into a marginalized community, this close analysis discusses the wider politics within which it is embedded and how such representations can both popularize and undermine marginalized or minority groups.  相似文献   

15.
According to this analysis of the dynamics of competition in six school zones in Europe (Charleroi, Budapest, Lisbon, London, Lille and the Paris area), secondary schools pursue “logics of action” that are shaped by an interdependence between local establishments. Parents’ strategies for choosing a school rank establishments and lead to a competitive interdependence with a pattern and intensity that vary depending on the place — the major issue being the capacity to attract and retain pupils. A typology of these “logics” is proposed: establishments pursue a logic of conquest, profit from the status quo, diversification or adaptation depending on their local position and the intensity of competition. Questions are raised about the potentials and limits of public interventions for regulating this competitive interdependence. Competition, along with its deviant effects (segregation and inequality), arises out of the shortcomings and limitations of public interventions and out of the fragmentation of local regulations. A lack of coordination between the authorities in charge, between districts and between the public and private supply of education affects the development of opportunistic tactics by certain establishments. The conclusion draws attention to the need for coordinating regulations.  相似文献   

16.
Along with the notion of development, new jobs have emerged characterized by: a vague, overall definition; an ambiguity as to roles (especially in dealings with locally elected officials); makeshift statuses; and occupational itineraries that cannot be reduced to civil service careers. As this examination of their work over three decades shows, the autonomy of rural development agents has been related to a “phase of invention”, when the switch was made from rural planning to development. Role ambiguity still prevails and has even spread, owing to the social conditions of employment, to occupational itineraries. Given the cofinancing of public authorities’ “territorial actions”, we see a couple forming between elected officials, who want to take hold in an intercommunal territory, and development agents, who “create their jobs” by capturing subsidies. Over this 30-year period, a peculiar image of “fuzzy jobs” has emerged.  相似文献   

17.
Summary

Loss of parents for midlife lesbians is discussed in the context of continued development in middle age. From an intersubjective point of view, comprehension of externality, the capacity for mutual recognition, the disruption and repair of recognition and affirmation of subjectivity and the agenic “I” color relationships with parents throughout life. In filial bereavement, there can be a resurgence of intersubjective development along with an easing of internalized homophobia. In recovery from loss, there are opportunities to make loving identifications that more fully acknowledge externality and difference.  相似文献   

18.
Claims that the United States Congress is (becoming more) polarized are widespread, but what is polarization? In this paper, I draw on notions of intergroup relations to distinguish two forms. Weak polarization occurs when relations between the polarized groups are merely absent, while strong polarization occurs when the relations between the polarized groups are negative. I apply the Stochastic Degree Sequence Model to data on bill co-sponsorship in both the U.S. House of Representatives and U.S. Senate, from 1973 (93rd session) to 2016 (114th session) to infer a series of signed networks of political relationships among legislators, which I then use to answer two research questions. First, can the widely reported finding of increasing weak polarization in the U.S. Congress be replicated when using a statistical model to make inferences about when positive political relations exist? Second, is the (increasing) polarization observed in the U.S. Congress only weak polarization, or is it strong polarization? I find that both chambers exhibit both weak and strong polarization, that both forms are increasing, and that they are structured by political party affiliation. However, I also find these trends are unrelated to which party holds the majority in a chamber.  相似文献   

19.
A wide variety of organizational structures and technologies are associated with the 'virtual campus'. This paper compares the UK's two largest distance learning initiatives: the Open University (OU) and the University for Industry (UfI). The comparison suggests four alternative approaches to 'virtualization' and shows that debate has often under-estimated the variety of possible approaches. The relationship between ICTs, knowledge and organizational structure is complex, reflecting a diversity of values and rationalities embodied by learning institutions.  相似文献   

20.
Drawing upon insights from Deibert's (1997) reconstituted medium theory and critical geopolitics literature, this article examines Slovenia'sefforts at crafting an image of itself via the Internet for specific strategic goals such as EU and NATO accession, the promotion of tourism and the attraction of foreign direct investment. Through an examination of both the material and discursive practices undertaken by the Slovenian government, we demonstrate the difficulty inherent in challenging tropes that hegemonic powers disseminate through various media in order to craft the geopolitical world they operate in. Slovenia's websites represent an important form of resistance to hegemonic visions of space, visions that have excluded Slovenia's accession to certain power structures. The government uses the Internet to construct a discourse refuting assertions of unreadiness to accede to these institutions, a form of online lobbying that attempts to redraw the image of Slovenia in the minds of a global public. We conclude this examination not by making grand pronouncements about the efficacy of these efforts, but by demonstrating that these images are part and parcel of the efforts to disassociate Slovenia from the negative connotations of the Balkan moniker.The fact that these efforts incorporate the Internet, when linked to material practices and policies, raises questions about the possibilities of such resistance via new communication technologies.  相似文献   

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