Brexit and Global Wealth Chains

One vision of a post Brexit Britain is of a political economy sustained by highly flexible labour markets, light touch regulation, and a hyper competitive low-tax regime. This article focuses on the tax element, evaluating the prospects of this vision’s realization on the basis of the attributes of the British political economy, the substance of the Britain’s new found freedoms and the forces at play in the European and international regulatory environment. Britain is seeking a smooth transition via a strategy of upgrading and expanding national position in global wealth chains (GWCs). Occupying space in GWCs requires a series of careful balancing acts between making a tax offer attractive to mobile capital and maintaining revenue, designing a low-tax regime and staying within the boundaries of accepted practice established by multilateral rules and norms, and between multiple, often conflicting, goals that Britain must simultaneously pursue as it leaves the European Union. With hard Brexit, Britain will pursue this vision, but these balances are likely to prove illusive.     

Brexit: Be Careful What You Wish For?

In this paper, I focus on the British future from Brexit. The institutional form this will take is not yet fixed. However, one can consider likely outcomes based on dominant economic frameworks. From this perspective, it seems unlikely that Brexit will address the actual grievances that resulted in Brexit. These transcend European Union membership.     

Brexit,Global Cities,and the Future of World Order

The emergence and role of global cities provide a rubric by which we can understand Brexit and illuminate the present tensions between those who favor open economic policies and those who favor closed economic policies. Economic inequality, political disenfranchisement, and social exclusion at the regional level are now driving a fresh interrogation of the relatively open world order that requires global cities—sites densely populated with institutions necessary for orchestrating global economic activity. While questions about the legitimacy of economic openness may undermine the economic output, political power, and cultural influence of global cities, those same cities may, if they harness economic output for broader regional benefits, demonstrate the potential of an alternative and newly legitimate open world order.     

Brexit and its Consequences

In this brief essay, I argue that the ‘Brexit’ vote is but the latest manifestation of popular dissatisfaction with the utopian ideal of autonomous markets beyond the reach of regulatory democracy. Brexit represented the collective, if (to my mind) often misguided, efforts of those ‘left behind’ in Britain to protect themselves from the predatory nature of market fundamentalism. In a Polanyian sense, it is a form of social self-protection from self-regulating markets in money, trade and labour.     

The Organic Crisis of the British State: Putting Brexit in its Place

The Brexit vote was a singular event that is one symptom of a continuing organic crisis of the British state and society and a stimulus for further struggles over the future of the United Kingdom and its place in Europe and the wider world. This crisis previously enabled the rise of Thatcherism as a neoliberal and neoconservative project (with New Labour as its left wing) with an authoritarian populist appeal and authoritarian statist tendencies that persisted under the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition (2010–2015). The 2015 election of a Conservative Government, which aimed to revive the Thatcherite project and entrench austerity, was the immediate context for the tragi-comedy of errors played out in the referendum. The ensuing politics and policy issues could promote the disintegration of the UK and, perhaps, the EU without delivering greater political sovereignty or a more secure and non-balkanized place for British economic space in the world market.     

Europe and the World after Brexit

The aftermath of Brexit has been contrary to prediction and even to the fears widely voiced on the morning the vote came in. What will happen next depends first on British politics, second on EU law, third on the rapidly evolving geometry of Europe, and finally, on the actions of external powers. The prospect is not good; reform through democratization of the European project remains one frail hope for a better outcome.     

The relationship between international law and European labour legislation and its impact on the development of international and European social law

This article draws on observations of how European Union law takes account of international worker protection instruments and the activities of international organizations to protect social rights to establish a typology of the links – often close but also very diverse – between European law and “international labour law” in the broad sense.     

Understanding the social and cultural bases of Brexit*

We use data from a large scale and nationally representative survey to evaluate two narratives about the social bases of Brexit. The first narrative sees Brexit as a revolt of the economically left-behinds. The second narrative attributes Brexit to the resurgence of an English nationalism. There is some, albeit not always consistent, evidence that people in relative poverty or those living in areas that have seen greater Chinese import penetration are slightly more pro-Leave. People living in economically deprived neighborhoods are not more pro-Brexit. Using the Weberian class–status distinction, it is social status, not social class, which stratifies Brexit support. Individuals for whom being British is important are more pro-Leave. But those who see themselves as British rather than English, and those reporting omnivorous cultural consumption are less supportive of Brexit. Overall, there is empirical support for both narratives. But the weight of the evidence suggests a strong cultural dimension in Brexit support.     

Trade and the Gains from Diversity: Why Economists Failed to Predict the Consequences of Brexit

In this brief article I explain why the expectation amongst economists that Brexit means Britain will experience significant economic losses, thanks to the reversal of the gains from specialisation, is incorrect. The background assumptions regarding comparative advantage are false and cannot inform real-world situations. However, this is not the same as to suggest Britain as a post-Brexit country will follow successful trade policies.     

The Case for Utopia: History and the Possible Meanings of Brexit a Hundred Years On

How likely are utopian futures of the kind that Jeremy Corbyn has recently envisioned for the future of post-Brexit Britain? Such utopian scheming to restore the welfare state at the cost of the state gibes with the forecast of austerity from the Chancellor’s office, and pronouncements from canny observers that a post-EU Britain will need cash to support even its current programs, and therefore be forced to come to terms with the demands of banks and corporations. Corbyn’s utopianism is ridiculous unless we take into account long-term forces like the rebellion against expert rule and advocacy of democratic accountability by participatory movements. A deeper history of state, democracy, and expert rule in Brexit can highlight the underlying tensions and point to some sources of possible outcomes.     

Countering globalization and regionalization: is there a united front within Turkish labour and disadvantaged groups?

Turkey, situated in the periphery of Europe, is governed by anti-labour policies of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) Governments in the last 15 years. Embarking on a historical materialist perspective that draws concepts from Gramsci, this paper questions whether labour can come up with an alternative and form a united front vis-a-vis globalization and European Union membership. It then examines impediments behind the lack of a united front and a viable alternative. The analyses rely on empirical data generated through interviews conducted with trade unionists and representatives from civil society for struggles against patriarchy, environmental degradation, and human rights violations at two critical junctures in 2010 and 2017. This paper argues that labour and struggles within civil society contest neoliberal restructuring with two rival class strategies, namely Ha-vet (Turkish abbreviations for No to Capitalist Europe – Yes to Social Europe) and neomerchantilism, none of which stands as a viable alternative.     

Remainers are nostalgic too: An exploration of attitudes towards the past and Brexit preferences

Nostalgia had a prominent place in the Brexit Referendum campaign, epitomized by Nigel Farage carrying around with him an old-fashioned blue British passport on the campaign trail. In this paper, we seek to examine British attitudes towards the past through a new survey instrument administered online in July and August 2018 (N = 3,000). We empirically establish two dimensions of nostalgia that are differentially associated with political preferences. We conclude that it is the substance of the nostalgia that matters, not the looking towards the past per se.     

Labour Migration and Competitiveness in the European Union

The study is about the characteristics and phenomena of the labour migration that fluxes from, through, and into the East Central European region. The typical groups of migrant workers are emphasized, like the qualified employees, the commuters, the illegal workers, or the migrants according to the family's income optimization. The brain drain is analyzed as a problem of the absence of experts in the region. The tools and possibilities of migration policy are discussed, too, to find suggestions for the state how to turn the direction of migration to the desired way. Through this topic, the countries of destination are introduced with the competitive position of the eastern migrants. The study also reflects on the problem of asymmetric flux of labour out of the region.     

Between Eurotopia and Nationalism: A Third Way for the Future of the EU

The Brexit has put the question of the final goal of integration on the agenda. The debate is characterised by a binary logic: either ever more deepening of integration or total disintegration with falling back into a system of nation states. While further integration is stopped by the heterogeneity of member states returning to the nation state is unrealistic, as European integration overlaps and is amalgamated with globalisation. There is a third way: flexibilisation through selective integration in certain areas and selective disintegration in others, based on variable coalitions of the willing.     

Belonging,believing, behaving,and Brexit: Channels of religiosity and religious identity in support for leaving the European Union*

Having an Anglican affiliation is known to be associated with support for leaving the European Union (EU) in Britain. Religiosity, conceived as strength of religious attachment, has received comparatively little treatment. We investigate religiosity via electoral, household, and attitudinal surveys, distinguishing the effects of “behaving” and “believing.” The association between religiosity and EU Referendum vote choice and position is identified before and after inclusion of values, attitudinal, and civic engagement measures. Consistent with established findings, in socio-structural models Anglicans are more likely to support Brexit than religious Nones. More frequent church attendance is associated with being more pro-Remain. The Anglican effect is primarily mediated by anti-immigrant attitudes, authoritarianism, and salience of ethnic identity, suggesting a Christian nationalist aspect to Leave support. The attendance effect is mediated by warmer attitudes toward immigrants, and social capital. Notably, those exhibiting stronger orthodox belief tend to feature a stronger attachment to “Leave,” with this partly mediated by authoritarianism. To evaluate the net effect of religion on civic life, we should pay more attention to the cultural content of religious beliefs, and how they structure other values and attitudes.     

Constructions of Europe in the run-up to the EU referendum in the UK

The paper reports findings from a focus group study on representations of Europe, conducted in England in the run-up to the UK EU referendum. Four themes were identified in the analysis: ‘cultured Europe’; ‘little Europe/global Britain’; ‘Europe as a cultural threat’; and ‘Eastern vs. Western Europe’. Analysis of these themes showed that Europe was an ambivalent identity category that could encapsulate contrary ideas such as cosmopolitanism/isolationism and cultural enrichment/undermining. Europe’s relation to Britain was also ambivalent in the data. Britain could be positioned as superior to Europe, sometimes being seen as closer to the ‘European essence’ in the context of the EU’s eastward expansion, which was seen as diluting European culture. But, Britain could also be seen as backward compared to the idea of cosmopolitan continental Europe. These different lines of argument and their ideological underpinnings are explored in the discussion of the findings.     

The Euro,EU Social Democracy,and International Monetary Power: A Critique of New Constitutionalism

This article critically interrogates the principle claims of the ‘new constitutionalist’ thesis, particularly as applied to the evaluation of European monetary union (EMU). In doing so, it argues for the (continuing) efficacy of the euro as a vector for social democratic advance both at the EU and global levels. It is argued that new constitutionalism's exclusive focus on the internal and external ‘neoliberal’ constraints EMU imposes on social democracy is overdrawn. The article critically examines the internal and external dimension of EMU's alleged ‘self-limitation’. Drawing on evidence from the recent eurozone crises as well as the SGP crisis of the early to mid-2000s, it is argued that EMU's internal self-limitation has been consistently subject to successful challenge and reform through a process of ‘permanent renegotiation’. This has played out in the context of ongoing tension within EMU between alternative models of integration and decision-making. In terms of the external dimension, the article focuses on the euro's structural power and the potential this provides for global leverage. It is argued that new constitutionalism exaggerates American dominance in the global monetary domain, deflecting attention from fundamental changes in the structure and politics of international money that have contributed to the diffusion of power in a new conjuncture marked by policy conflict, contestation and uncertainty. The ‘presence’ of euro is one such structural change.

Este artículo interroga críticamente el punto principal de la tesis de los ‘nuevos constitucionalistas,’ particularmente como se aplica a la evaluación de la Unión Monetaria Europea (UEM, por su sigla en inglés). Al hacer esto, argumenta por la (continua) eficacia del euro, como un vector para el avance social democrático, tanto a nivel de la Unión Europea como global. Sostiene que el enfoque exclusivo del nuevo constitucionalismo en el ‘neoliberalismo’ interno y externo y las restricciones que la Unión monetaria europea impone a la democracia social, son una exageración. El artículo examina críticamente la dimensión interna y externa de la UEM como una supuesta ‘autolimitación.’ Partiendo de la evidencia tanto de la reciente crisis de la zona del euro, como de la crisis del SGP del principio a mediados de la década del 2000, propone que la autolimitación interna de la UEM ha estado consistentemente sujeta al reto y la reforma, a través de un proceso de ‘renegociación permanente’. Esto se materializó en el contexto de la tensión en curso dentro de la UEM entre modelos alternativos de integración y la toma de decisiones. En términos de la dimensión externa, el artículo se enfoca en el poder estructural del euro y el potencial que esto provee para el apalancamiento global. Se sostiene que el nuevo constitucionalismo exagera el domino americano en el dominio monetario, desviando la atención a los cambios fundamentales en las estructuras y políticas de la moneda internacional, que ha contribuido a la difusión del poder en una coyuntura marcada por el conflicto político, la disputa y la incertidumbre. La ‘presencia’ del euro es uno de los grandes cambios estructurales.

本文批判性地质问“新立宪主义者”的观点,尤其是当运用于欧洲货币联盟改革评价时。在此情况下,它论证了在欧盟及全球层次上都作为一种社会民主主义发展矢量的欧元的持续性效力。本文认为,新立宪主义对欧洲货币联盟施加于社会民主主义的内部和外部的“新自由主义”约束所给予的独有关注被夸大了。文章批判性地考察了欧洲货币联盟所谓“自我限制”的内部和外部维度。以最近欧元区的危机以及世纪之初稳定与增长公约的危机为据,本文提出欧洲货币联盟的内部自我限制一直受到“长久再协商”进程中的成功改革与挑战。这在欧洲货币联盟内一体化与决策的可选模式之间当前的紧张背景下已经走到头。在外部维度上,本文关注欧元区的结构性实力以及为全球影响力做准备的潜在实力。本文认为,新立宪主义夸大了全球货币领域的美国支配地位,从而忽视了在一个以政策冲突、论争和不确定性为标志的紧要关头,对权力扩散产生了促进作用的国际货币结构与政治的根本性变革。欧元的“存在”就是这样一种结构变革。

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Gender mainstreaming and evaluation in the EU: comparative perspectives from feminist institutionalism

This article presents a focused comparative analysis of the institutionalization of two governance practices in the European Commission that levy distinct challenges to the gender status quo: gender mainstreaming (which overtly challenges gender bias) and evaluation (which does not have explicit feminist aspirations). With reference to five dimensions, we identify evaluation as relatively strongly institutionalized, and gender mainstreaming as relatively weakly institutionalized. We draw on the explanatory power of feminist institutionalism to unpack these findings, arguing that a feminist institutional perspective can shed light on this variation, as it provides greater insight into the formal and informal institutions that constrain, enable and shape the implementation of evaluation and gender mainstreaming. We assert that the notion of path dependency, the logic of appropriateness, and the concept of layering serve as useful tools to understand the gendered nature of the European Commission. This research provides insights into the institutional factors that impact the implementation of gender equality strategies (such as gender mainstreaming). In turn, this contributes to the development of more effective strategies to promote institutional change toward greater equality.     

The Impact of Europeanization upon Party Systems in Slovakia and Romania

Usually the concept of Europeanization refers to processes that download the European Union (the EU) regulations and institutional structures to the domestic level. Moreover, in the last few years the specialized literature has become increasingly preoccupied by the development of national patterns of government through the impact of European policies, processes and institutions. The developments and changes in domestic systems—much more visible in the new member states—suggest that the EU has enormous political and institutional influence. In line with this view, the paper examines the different degrees in which Europeanization has become a transforming political process, particularly in two new post-Communist democracies: Slovakia and Romania. More specifically, the interest is to survey the impact and the way in which Europeanization was incorporated in the rationale of party discourse, identity and policies in the Central-Eastern countries in the pre-accession period.