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There has been considerable debate over the extent and role of young people's political participation. Whether considering popular hand‐wringing over concerns about declines in young people's institutional political participation or dismissals of young people's use of online activism, many frame youth engagement through a “youth deficit” model that assumes that adults need to politically socialize young people. However, others argue that young people are politically active and actively involved in their own political socialization, which is evident when examining youth participation in protest, participatory politics, and other forms of noninstitutionalized political participation. Moreover, social movement scholars have long documented the importance of youth to major social movements. In this article, we bring far flung literatures about youth activism together to review work on campus activism; young people's political socialization, their involvement in social movement organizations, their choice of tactics; and the context in which youth activism takes place. This context includes the growth of movement societies, the rise of fan activism, and pervasive Internet use. We argue that social movement scholars have already created important concepts (e.g., biographical availability) and questions (e.g., biographical consequences of activism) from studying young people and urge additional future research. 相似文献
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The theme of contemporary social movements 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
R H Turner 《The British journal of sociology》1969,20(4):390-405
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Julian McAllister Groves 《The Sociological review》1995,43(3):435-461
This paper discusses the experience and ideology of emotions among animal rights activists, and more broadly, the applicability of the sociology of emotions to the field of social movements. I examine the case of a social movement which relies heavily on empathy in its initial recruitment, and which has been derisively labeled by outsiders as ‘emotional’. I explain recruitment to animal rights activism by showing how activists develop a ‘vocabulary of emotions’ to rationalize their participation to others and themselves, along with managing the emotional tone of the movement by limiting the kinds of people who can take part in debates about animal cruelty. The interactive nature in which emotions develop in social movements is stressed over previous approaches to emotions in the social movement literature, which treat emotions as impulsive or irrational. 相似文献
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Chandra Russo 《Sociology Compass》2023,17(8):e13098
There is a long history of small groups of white activists engaging in social movements for racial justice led by Black Indigenous and People of Color in the United States. Yet organized white antiracism has received much less study than white racism. From forging antiracist identities to crafting racial justice organizing strategies, white people's involvement in BIPOC-led liberation struggles has proven both promising and problematic. This article explores what scholars know about white people's involvement in US- based racial justice efforts in order to pose central questions and quandaries for future study. It focuses on white antiracist activism in the United States beginning in the Civil Rights era. During the late 20th century, US-based racial justice campaigns became fragmented across diverse networks and issue areas making it harder to locate groups of white people collectively aligning with a visible and unified social movement for racial justice. This appears to be shifting. Racial logics and racist regimes have proven themselves eminently flexible, and investigating how white people have tried to join social movements for racial justice illuminates important areas for future study. 相似文献
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Peter Jowers Jorge Dürrschmidt Richard O'Docherty Derek Purdue 《Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research》1999,12(1):99-118
The paper examines contemporary social movement activity within South West England. It is argued that much social movement analysis has been too nation‐state orientated, that it has too readily framed diverse contemporary practices within a narrow, politically reductive and instrumentally rational frame. Increasingly, aesthetic and affective dimensions of everyday life must be examined if any coherent theoretical account of such activity is to be offered. Altering relations between states and their citizens in a global age and the emergence of an extended civil society are linked to a weakening of the capacity of nation states to manage identity formation. A series of excursuses link theoretical analysis of the expressive dimensions of the region's social movement activity, to these more extended global transformations. 相似文献
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Celeste Montoya 《Sociology Compass》2021,15(8):e12905
Intersectionality emerged in the border space between social movements and academic politics as a means of better understanding and confronting interlocking systems of oppression. For scholars studying social movements, it offers a framework for better understanding the power dynamics of movements (the inclusions and exclusions). It is also something to be studied. Women of color, and other groups at the intersection of multiple marginalities conceptualized intersectionality as not only a type of integrated analysis or heuristic, but as an active political orientation to be put into practice. In this essay, I review and discuss the benefits and challenges of studying social movements intersectionally (an analysis that might be applied to the study of any movements), as well as the growing literature focused on social movement intersectionality, that looks for and at intersectionally oriented movements and the praxis of intersectionality within movements. This developing area of study provides new ways of understanding and troubling social movement solidarity. 相似文献
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Alexander Hensby 《Sociology Compass》2021,15(1):e12843
This article reviews existing theory and research on political non-participation. Spanning the electoral, civic and social movement spheres, it critically compares the different conceptual tools that have been employed to explain why individuals might not participate in politics. This includes the study of rational choice, political socialisation, social networks and political emotions. In doing, this article identifies opportunities for a more holistic approach to studying non-participation across multiple fields and contexts in the social sciences. 相似文献
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John D. Kincaid 《Sociology Compass》2017,11(5)
Most current social movement theory has been built by observing movements on the left. This poses a number of problems when we try to port those theories over to social movements on the right. This paper examines how existing social movement theory falls short in explaining the rise of right‐wing social movements and their profound influence in the Republican Party. This paper combines a critical literature review with an eye toward adapting and synthesizing existing theoretical frameworks on social movements in ways that account for the unique aspects of right‐wing movements. 相似文献
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Michelle I Seelig Diane Millette Chun Zhou Jialing Huang 《Atlantic journal of communication》2019,27(1):15-29
This study examined how non-profit organizations (NPOs) adapted to the new media environment and created an innovative culture of advocacy to directly facilitate engagement with interested supporters. Findings from this content analysis and virtual ethnography revealed NPOs dramatically transformed the structure of online content. Shifting the emphasis of the web and social media from a one-way transmission of information to an interactive conversation substantially changes the dynamics for activism, and fosters new models of engagement between NPOs and supporters. In this participatory, co-operative media culture, people were actively engaged and shared digital content that inspired others to care about important issues. These overall results indicated that the web and social media, when used to its fullest extent, played a key role encouraging communication and inspiring interaction among individuals on- and off-line. 相似文献
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BARRY D. ADAM 《Revue canadienne de sociologie》1993,30(3):316-336
Cette communication jette un regard critique sur plusieurs tendances du néo-marxisme et du post-marxisme ainsi que sur les tentatives de théoriser les nouveaux mouvements sociaux. L'auteur estime qu'on a trop vite fait de laisser tomber une bonne partie des principes fondamentaux de l'économie politique en analysant les nouveaux mouvements sociaux, alors qu'on évoque ces měmes mouvements comme confirmation des certains aspects problématiques de la théorie marxiste. Les problèmes découlent en partie du fait qu'on a voulu tirer des généralisations à partir d'observations très partielles d'un nombre limité de mouvements. Or, le travail d'analyse théorique doit tenir compte de l'économie politique de ces mouvements tout en s'enrichissant des analyses produites par les mouvements eux-měmes. The paper offers a critique of several theoretical trends in neo-and post-Marxism and of new social movement theory, contending that many of the central tenets of political economy have been too quickly abandoned in analysing the new social movements and that, at the same time, these movements have too often been used to shore up other problematic areas of Marxian analysis. Some of these problems arise from generalizations made from very partial views of only certain movements. Theoretical work needs to include the political economy of these movements and at the same time learn from the analyses generated by these movements themselves. 相似文献
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Christson Adedoyin Michael Robinson Dewey M. Clayton Sharon Moore Sharon Jones-Eversley Shantel Crosby 《Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment》2013,23(8):1078-1090
ABSTRACTA panoramic overview of contemporary and historical activism to address the perennial tension between police and young Black males in the United States of America is extensively articulated. Furthermore, an intersectional analysis framework is utilized to provide, and explain the unintentional synergy of activism among different groups in the Black community such as the Black Lives Matter movement, the inveterate political class, and the venerable Black church to mitigate police maltreatment of Black males during the era of the nation’s first Black president. Moreover, we discuss the various aggressive policing tactics used in maltreating Black males, some criminal justice reforms achieved in the last eight years, and more importantly we offer suggestions to improve the relationship between police and the Black community. 相似文献
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Manès Weisskircher 《Social movement studies》2017,16(3):377-378
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Tim Jordan 《The Sociological review》1995,43(4):675-692
A coherent intellectual structure for social movement studies has recently been emerging over a range of theoretical and empirical studies. This structure counterposes ‘within social movements’ a diverse range of collective actions against the unity imposed by a collective identity. However, theorisations of this collective identity have so far failed to address the contradiction between structure and agency. A definition of collective identity for social movements that is not caught in the structure/agency divide is proposed by defining the appropriate level of abstraction for such a definition, defining why movements are unified and then how. 相似文献
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Both Turkey and Ukraine are located at the external borders of the European Union (EU), and are seen as important partners of the EU, especially in terms of economic relations and strategic partnership. Both countries experienced en masse protest events in 2013: the Gezi Park protests and EuroMaidan, starting, respectively, in May 2013 and November 2013. Although these protests started initially for different reasons – the brutal eviction of a sit-in organized for protecting the trees in Taksim Gezi Park and the Ukrainian government's abandonment of EU trade agreement talks – and seem spatially, temporally and ideologically separate, they both include claims related to a “more just and transparent system”. Such claims are not purely political and are closely linked to a social dimension, especially in terms of local and European space-making. This article aims to understand the importance of Gezi Park and EuroMaidan within the framework of new social movements in terms of space-making and the perception of human rights, democracy, justice, identitarian politics and consensual social relations as Euro-concepts or European ideals. 相似文献
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This paper presents data gathered during and since the protests against the IMF and World Bank meetings in Prague in September 2000. It describes the interactional and deliberative processes that were undertaken by activists involved in framing the protests and the manifestation of this ‘frame‐work’ in three separate marches denoted by different colours, which took place on September 26th during a ‘global day of action’. The paper utilises ethnographic detail to develop a critically engaged model of social movement frame analysis that focuses upon the genesis of these ‘action frames’, including the elaborate negotiation of conflicting ideological and tactical dispositions that lay behind them, and the variety of democratic decision making forums which were instrumental in their design. 相似文献
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Gemma Edwards 《The Sociological review》2004,52(S1):113-130
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Dicky Yangzom 《Social movement studies》2016,15(6):622-633
The ‘cultural turn’ in social movement studies has brought a renewed outlook on new social movements and lifestyle movements. In this development on the symbolic challenge of contemporary movements, research has expanded to both music and art. However, little is known about the role of clothing in movements and how activists use it for social change. In making the case for a greater consideration of clothing’s tactical use in identity work, this paper explores the case of the Tibetan Lhakar movement. I argue that for Lhakar activists, clothing is the materialization of the political consciousness of the movement and symbolically acts as a mechanism of communication in shaping its political goals. By using social media to observe individualized collective actions of wearing Tibetan clothing, the paper demonstrates how activists frame and create new political opportunity structures for civic participation in a one party state that controls all speech and movement. 相似文献