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1.
社会主义的核心价值体系是社会主义意识形态的本质体现,是全党全国各族人民团结奋斗的共同思想基础。网络传播凭借其互动性、海量性、超链接等特点,成为当前十分重要的宣传手段,是加强舆论宣传的重要阵地。利用网络传播弘扬社会主义核心价值体系,就必须把握网络传播的特点和要求,坚持大众化宣传、关注民生建设、健全管理体制的基本原则,从多方面入手不断加强社会主义核心价值体系的实效性建设。  相似文献   

2.
胡玥 《现代妇女》2014,(5):50-51
本文探讨了我国社会主义意识形态,社会主义核心价值体系的内涵以及二者之间的关系,明确了社会主义意识形态决定了社会主义核心价值体系的必然性,而社会主义核心价值体系又体现我国社会主义意识形态本质的相互作用的关系。  相似文献   

3.
确立以中国特色社会主义核心价值体系为主导的思想素质和精神支柱,是青年群体实现"中国梦"和人生理想所必备的道德品质成长的基石。精神境界高尚,思想政治素质优良,当代青年运动的方向就能始终代表着时代前进的步伐,成为推动经济与社会发展的生力军。进入新的历史时期,面对国际国内的各种挑战,我们要以科学发展观为指导,以为人民群众服务的社会实践为载体,大力弘扬爱国主义和民族精神,进一步强化思想道德建设,不断构筑当代青年群体强大精神支柱,引导他们在全面建设小康社会、实现"中国梦"的新征程中,奋发进取,继往开来,成长为社会主义的合格建设者和可靠接班人。  相似文献   

4.
秦待见 《职业时空》2008,4(8):13-14
胡锦涛同志在党的十七大报告中指出:“社会主义核心价值体系是社会主义意识形态的本质体现。“这一论断充分说明,社会主义核心价值体系,是社会主义制度的内在精神之魂,是社会主义意识形态大厦的基石。但社会主义核心价值体系建设是一项复杂的系统工程,在建设过程中,关键问题在于内化认同与外化实践相结合。  相似文献   

5.
社会主义核心价值观是社会主义核心价值体系的内核,是当前我国的主流意识形态,对人们的精神世界具有导向性作用。少数民族大学生是当代大学生的重要组成部分,是民族青年的优秀代表,其政治取向、价值取向关乎民族地区的稳定和发展。本文基于少数民族大学生的特殊性,以中南民族大学本科生为主要研究对象,探索少数民族大学生社会主义核心价值观培育的途径。  相似文献   

6.
邢卓 《现代交际》2011,(8):210-210
公民教育视野下,用社会主义核心价值体系作为我国公民教育的指导思想,就要求用主流意识形态引领受教育者,让青年学生在形势政策教育中受到公民教育的熏陶。  相似文献   

7.
社会主义核心价值体系是社会主义意识形态的本质体现。”建设社会主义核心价值体系是当前思想政治工作的首要任务,加强和改进思想政治工作是增强社会主义核心价值体系引领力的有效途径;要“切实把社会主义核心价值体系融入国民教育和精神文明建设全过程,并转化为人民的自觉追求”,就必须不断推进思想政治工作内容体系创新。  相似文献   

8.
大学生社会主义核心价值体系教育探讨   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
社会主义核心价值体系是社会主义意识形态的本质体现,是党的理论创新的重要成果。从实践的视角,将社会主义核心价值体系融入高校教育教学,充分展现社会主义核心价值体系的理论魅力,全面把握大学生思想状况,切实转变教育理念,引导广大青年学生全面理解、自觉认同和践行社会主义核心价值体系,是当前高校思想政治工作者面临的十分重要而紧迫的任务。  相似文献   

9.
当代青年思潮呈现多元化的特点.社会主义核心价值体系为引领青年思潮提供了统一的指导思想、共同的理想信念、强大的精神支柱和基本的道德规范,以社会主义核心价值体系引领青年思潮对于全面落实科学发展观和保障社会和谐发展都具有重要的战略意义。  相似文献   

10.
作为影响大学生价值观形成的重要因素之一,阅读在全媒体时代呈现出新的特质,诸如"即时性""立体性""互动性"等特点愈发满足了青年的阅读兴趣。这种阅读方式以即时在线的"文字互动"和"视频图像"替代了排版印制的"知识体系"和"理论文章",为大学生"自主性"价值观的发育提供了适宜的阅读氛围。但这种"感性"阅读倾向对"理性"阅读方式的日益颠覆,助长了当前大学生"极端个人主义倾向"的蔓延,因而,我们亟需把握新形势下全媒体传播的模式,致力于改善全媒体传播过程中的社会环境,加强高校主流意识形态教育,宣传社会主义核心价值观,提高当前青年思想政治教育的实效性。  相似文献   

11.
中国共产党在革命战争年代形成的经典党建实践,与后革命时代社会主义市场经济背景下的"青春党建",形成了一种历史的多维张力。这种张力既是党建传统的延续,也是新传统的开创,是历史连续性与历史阶段性的统一。作为这种"敢为人先"探索的主体,浙江嘉兴的"青春党建"工程根据后革命时代去政治化、去神圣化、世俗化的实际,在对党外和党内青年群体的培养重点、活动方式、活动载体、活动内容方面作了一系列创新实践。在理论上深入探讨这一实践,对于保持党的青春活力,保持党的先进性,扩大党的社会基础和增强党的阶级基础和彰显其存在的不足以求在后续实践中改进,都有着十分重要的意义。  相似文献   

12.
According to Parsons' theory of evolution, socialist (communist) societies deviate from the progressive line of evolutionary development. But Parsons' empirical analyses indicate that socialist societies exhibit many of the features which, according to his theory, are supposed to characterize societies at the apex of evolutionary development. An endeavor to elicit from Parsons' works plausible solutions to this contradiction fails. Juxtaposing Parsons' treatment of the relationships between the developed and the underdeveloped societies to that of the imperialism-dependency theory it is found that the assumptions, propositions, and interpretations of the two are incompatible, or even diametrically opposed to each other. Moreover, Parsons completely disregards the rich theoretical and empirical research emanating from the school of imperialism-dependency. It is concluded that Parsons' theory of evolution can explain neither the socialist path, of development, nor can it address the issue of change of underdeveloped countries within the context of the contemporary world system.  相似文献   

13.
This article explores two conflicting aesthetics of the female body in post-Stalinist Soviet science fiction. One represented women of the communist future as explorers of the space frontier in assemblages with machines, testing the cultural border between the female and the technological. Another appealed to the mysterious female nature as the Other of human culture, pushing forward the understanding of socialist progress as a masculine project. This article argues that both aesthetics grew within the cultural phenomenon of socialist Romanticism, which emerged in the mid-1950s as a reaction to Stalin-era quasi-Enlightenment rationality and its dominant style of socialist realism.  相似文献   

14.
伴随着大众文化在中国的兴起和发展,中国青年文化经过了由文化迷惘、文化盲从到文化反省、文化自觉的发展过程。社会主义市场经济的发展、社会主义制度优越性的时代体现、红色文化的兴起与民族文化的复兴以及社会主义产业文化的大发展、大繁荣对青年的文化自觉、文化自信、文化选择都有积极的促进作用。  相似文献   

15.
随着新媒体技术日新月异的发展,短视频在宣传思想工作上起着重要作用,对青年的吸引力与影响力呈现逐步增长的趋势。推动短视频在社会主义核心价值观的引领下,实现其与青年价值观的融合共生是满足青年日益增长的美好生活需要的必要之举,是短视频在全媒体时代持续健康发展的应有之义,也是传播社会主义核心价值观的因时之需。解决短视频碎片化、娱乐化、去中心化、同质化与青年价值观形成之间内在矛盾,必须坚持以社会主义核心价值观为引领,做到视频内容突出社会主义核心价值观的主导作用,创作模式突出社会主义核心价值观的激励作用,传播方式突出社会主义核心价值观的凝聚作用,评价机制突出社会主义核心价值观的规范作用,真正实现网络短视频与青年价值观的融合共生。  相似文献   

16.
《Journal of Aging Studies》2002,16(2):199-219
This article examines age cohort voting differentiation in the breakdown of the Leninist regimes in terms of the effects of rapid social change. The strong relationship found between age and conservative voting and the disproportionate vote of youth for all types of change-oriented parties in the “first” competitive elections (1989/1990) in Belarus, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and Moscow is a product of cohort–period interaction with youth at the vanguard of social change. Taken together, a dramatic period effect (the rapid introduction of economic and political change), the skewing of younger groups in favor of more rapid social change, the generational socialization of the aged under communist values, and a greater investment of the elderly in the status quo explain age cohort voting in the breakdown of Leninism.  相似文献   

17.
This paper looks at various civic organizations in Poland during the period of transition from communism. It offers an analysis of representative groups of Civil society Organizations (CSOs), proving that they bear features of the socialist past. The paper demonstrates that the popularity of the re-legalized Solidarno ?? has been steadily declining since 1989. In fact, no former dissident movement plays an important role in contemporary Poland. Moreover, the revitalization of organizations dissolved during the communist period cannot be read as a success story. Administrative dissolution and repression turned out to be effective tools in dismantling CSOs. The renewal of Catholic organizations has also largely failed. However, organizations established during the communist period still play a leading role in civil society. The communist era, in short, was decisive in shaping contemporary CSOs. Associational life after 1989 displays considerable inertia and while it is difficult to determine whether it actually retards the process of systemic change, it surely is not the sphere of social life that can currently accelerate it.  相似文献   

18.
Simona Mitroiu 《Slavonica》2013,19(2):91-112
ABSTRACT

In Romania, the literary approach to the recent communist past centred on everyday life under the communist regime is usually associated with a nostalgic communist perspective. By reading communist nostalgia in the context of the communist politics that pervaded every aspect of everyday life, this paper traces the connections between narratives and moral responsibility at the level of Romanian literary productions. Many of the topics included in the collective volumes that bring together personal narratives of the past resonate with and influence the fictional creations of the past; in many cases, combining personal testimonies with fictional characters offered an improved mechanism for dealing with the past. The paper argues that the topic of daily life experiences under the communist regime can be further developed, raising awareness of the lack of discussions about moral responsibility at the societal level in post-totalitarian Romania. Even if the younger generations can use the literary narratives of the past to re-appropriate their predecessors’ life stories, the reduction of the past to visual or linguistic stereotypes deepens the separation between public and private memory.  相似文献   

19.
This paper uses political generations theory to examine the main youth mobilisations during and since the twentieth century: pre-1939 fascist and communist movements; the student movements of the 1960s and 70s; movements that challenged colonial and neo-colonial rulers in less developed countries and young people's involvement in the revolutions that saw the end of communism in East-Central and South-East Europe in 1989. Conclusions from this review of the past are used in considering the likely significance of subsequent outbursts of political activism among young people: the ‘colour revolutions’ and other instances of youth mobilisation in former Soviet republics and other ex-communist countries; the Arab Spring and the series of movements that have challenged neo-liberalism – Anti-Globalisation, the Indignados and the Occupy movements. The paper notes that youth mobilisations that have led to the formation of new political generations that have changed their countries' politics then transformed the countries have typically extended over several decades, that initially youthful leaders have sometimes been middle-aged or older before achieving political power and that many of their actions on achieving power have been at variance with their youthful ideals. In conclusion, it is argued that it is still too early to tell whether any of the recent youth mobilisations signal the formation of new political generations.  相似文献   

20.
This paper argues that the evidence from research among young people in post‐communist countries vindicates and should consolidate confidence in the Western sociology of youth's conventional transitions paradigm which seeks links between social origins, routes and destinations. Contrary to claims about postmodern fluidity, individualisation, and a blurring of traditional structural boundaries, the expected links between origins, routes and destinations have persisted throughout the transformation of the former communist countries. The relevant evidence also confirms the primacy of education‐to‐work and family/housing life stage transitions. Other aspects of young people's lives – their uses of leisure, levels and patterns of social and political participation, and socio‐political attitudes, for example – become meaningful and explicable only when set in the context of the routes that individuals’ lives have taken, and the stages that they have reached, vis‐à‐vis their school‐to‐work and family and housing transitions. The paper proceeds to argue that the exceptionally thorough changes that are still in process in East‐Central Europe and the former USSR reveal with exceptional clarity the processes whereby young people's life chances are structured in ways that are not of the individuals’ own making. It has been, and it remains, possible to observe how young adults learn from their own youth life stage transition experiences and, where applicable, use the assets that they acquire or retain, to advantage their own children thereby structuring the opportunities that confront all members of subsequent cohorts of young people. Finally, it is argued that the sociological approach being advocated is uniquely able to use the evidence from young people as a window through which to identify the impact of the ongoing macro‐changes in former communist countries among different socio‐demographic groups in the wider populations.  相似文献   

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