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Objective. Much of the empirical work on environmental justice centers on the geographic distribution of potential chronic health risks (e.g., planned toxic releases or treatment storage and disposal facilities). Far less attention has been devoted to the geographic distribution of acute health risks that cause immediate harm. The purpose of this work is to examine environmental justice in terms of potential acute health risks by examining the distribution of serious chemical accidents across diverse subpopulations. Methods. We draw upon 1990 census data for the United States to study the relationship between the racial, ethnic, and economic characteristics of census block groups ( N = 226,398) and the presence or absence of chemical accidents that caused at least one injury, death, or evacuation for the time period of 1990–1996. The data used to map the location of the chemical accidents were obtained from the Environmental Protection Agency's Accidental Release Information Program (ARIP) database. Results. Our results indicate that the acute risk associated with chemical accidents at fixed facilities is greater for individuals living in low–income census block groups, especially when comparisons are made within the counties where the chemical accidents occur. Our results concerning race and ethnicity are less consistent and somewhat weaker. Conclusions. Although these results do not show large and dramatic effects, as have often been found in the study of the social distribution of chronic environmental risk, they do stand as one of a relatively few social analyses of social variation in exposure to acute environmental risk.  相似文献   

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This article explores areas where Norwegian Americans contributed to the burgeoning social welfare system being established in Minnesota from 1890 to 1920. The array of services developed was due in part to the belief among native-born Americans that immigrant groups should establish their own helping networks and care for themselves. The Lutheran Church played a central part in this development by initiating and sponsoring new undertakings. Issues discussed during this period are found to be still central among both immigrant groups and 'natives' today. Concerns regarding mother tongue, religion, integration in schools and use of existing welfare systems continue to stir up 'natives' and 'settlers' alike.  相似文献   

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Objective. After the fall of the communist regime, the Czech government placed an emphasis on economic growth and development. Although research has been conducted on national–level change and civil society reactions to new institutions and initiatives, little is known about the transition process at the local level and the ways community sentiments and actions varied in response to development policies. This study examines responses to proposed development in communities in the Czech Republic and investigates the extent that actions were influenced by values, the availability of resources, and the local political context. Methods. To understand factors shaping action, structured interviews were conducted with the mayors of 237 towns in the Czech Republic where landfills, incinerators, highways, and protected–area development were proposed or first publicly discussed between 1992–1996. Results. Values pertaining to health, employment, property value, nature protection, and connection to place were associated with the adoption of newer modes of behavior, as were resources including national media coverage of an issue, the presence of a local environmental organization, and previous experience. Many aspects of the local political context had no relationship to behavior. Those that did appeared to foster and reinforce more ingrained patterns of action reminiscent of the former regime. Conclusions. In general, while styles of action common during the former regime began to reemerge, they were balanced by new patterns of action signifying confidence and trust in the newly formed democratic institutions.  相似文献   

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By employing a new policy of "check all that apply," the Census Bureau accommodated a mushrooming multiracial lobby demanding that its members be allowed a right to self-identification. With its implied shifting meaning of race, newspapers portrayed the reaction to this change as a firestorm of debate along racial fault lines, highlighted by Black-American inferences that this was a perilous decision. Using textual analysis, I examine from 1996 to 2006 how five Black-American and three White-American newspapers characterized multiracial people. White-American papers framed the discussion in two ways: (a) multiracial people epitomize a new era in which race has lost its bite, and (b) Black America stands in the way of their gaining their civil rights. There were also two frames for the Black-American papers: (a) The lobby advocates individual identity and is undergirded by denial or distancing from Blackness, and (b) that focus undermines Black America's future by playing into the misguided notion that race is socially insignificant.  相似文献   

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In Sweden in 2007, 11,047 people, out of a population of around nine million were living under at-risk conditions requiring protective measures for their safety. Sixty per cent were women, most of them hiding from men who had battered them and were still threatening and stalking them. In this research and intervention study, a group of women in hiding were given different kinds of support and 23 women were interviewed. These women struggle to make a living, work or study, and their finances are extremely strained. Their social networks/interactions are nonexistent. Living under constant threat and insecurity has an adverse impact on the women's health. The community is obliged, for economic and security reasons, to support battered women. There are still severe shortcomings with regard to security. One recommendation is the institution of personal protection officers, i.e. specially trained social service caseworkers able to support the woman once protection measures have been decided.  相似文献   

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Records of dryland homesteaders in three parts of the Great Basin between 1912 and 1920 show that crop failures were common occurrences, and that failure was more often attributed to jackrabbits than to drought. These records demonstrate that most failures caused by rabbits conformed to well-defined temporal and spatial patterns, but they also make it clear that some losses can be explained only by specific actions taken by the farmers, their families, and neighbors.  相似文献   

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SPSSI psychologists' involvement in the early civil rights movement in the postwar United States was epitomized by their involvement in the case of Brown v. Board of Education. This article examines how social scientists sought to maintain the persona of objective, scientific expert when asked to prepare briefs for the U.S. Supreme Court for the Brown case. The social scientists believed that only by collapsing what they saw as an artificial distinction between objectivity and advocacy could the social scientist become a social activist. This article is based on extensive research in numerous archives, including the papers of Gordon W. Allport, Kenneth B. Clark, Stuart W. Cook, David Krech, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Theodore M. Newcomb, Robert Redfield, and the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues.  相似文献   

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By some accounts, large Black populations in northern cities aided Blacks’ employment in occupations of the “Black Metropolis” at the start of the Great Migration. Yet, the present study, analyzing Census data, refutes these accounts. Blacks’ odds of employment in such occupations – for example, mass media and cultural expression – were often greatest in major northern cities with the smallest Black populations, consistent with the proposition that small and stable minority communities avoid intense discrimination. Overall, however, there is little evidence that Black population size substantially affected Blacks’ employment in Black Metropolis occupations.  相似文献   

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