涉藏地区自媒体在YouTube平台上的跨文化传播——以“Tibet Travel”为例

我国涉藏地区因其独特的自然、人文、地缘和宗教环境而备受国际舆论关注,涉藏地区国际传播也是展现中国发展、传播好中国声音的重要组成部分。新媒体时代背景下,涉藏地区自媒体创作者积极进行传播实践活动,社交平台上也涌现出一批传播范围广、影响力较大的自媒体账号。本文以涉藏地区自媒体账号“Tibet Travel”(此账号至今沿用旧译Tibet未改)在YouTube平台上的视频为研究对象,运用叙事学和编码解码理论,对视频叙事主题、叙事语法和视听语言等策略进行研究,发现该账号在主题上涉及自然、生活和人文景观;在主体上,聚焦个体,藏族女性较多,内外聚焦,丰富叙事视角。解码层面通过分析受众评论文本发现,国外观众在视听语言、故事内容和主体上做出积极正面解读,表现为对故事主体的认同;对家庭、文化和人与自然关系的主导式解码;对婚姻关系和代际关系的协商式解码;受刻板印象和固定思维的影响对视频真实性的对抗性解码。     

纪录——抢救与保护涉藏碑刻的战略手段

涉藏碑刻是我国文化遗产当中重要的组成部分.它对研究藏族历史、政治、经济、宗教、文化发展特别是我国古代藏汉民族关系有着很重要的史料价值.本文论述了通过纪录的科学方式对涉藏碑刻进行抢救性保护以及如何用镜头客观、真实地纪录涉藏碑刻的重要作用.     

外国电影中的藏文化“刻板印象”

文章以《喜马拉雅》、《盐程万里》、《色戒》、《旅行者与魔术师》等国外新近有关藏族文化的电影作品为研究对象,结合多元文化主义理论,分析了藏文化意象在这些电影作品中的“刻板印象”。文章认为,当代藏文化电影作品延续了过去西方白人文化的“香格里拉”印象,在现代文化的“他者”之维上,继续加强了藏文化作为文化另类的形象塑造。这种“刻板印象”的形成,在藏族文化认同方面有双重影响:促进了藏文化的传播,同时又形成了藏文化未来发展的障碍。     

涉藏网络图像传播特点研究

网络图像在信息与文化的传播中发挥着越来越重要的作用。网络图像具有易得性、易编辑性、超语言性、图文关系多样性、传播途径多样性及图像的文化性等特征。以拉萨＂3·14事件＂反西方媒体歪曲报道来看,我国涉藏网络图像传播有以下不足之处,如重官方不重民间、重媒体不重个人、重国内不重国外和重文字不重图像等。对此,建议大力建设网站的涉藏图像专栏,与国外门户网站建立合作关系,拓展图像分享渠道,重视民间的力量,注重涉藏事件图像传播的时效性。     

涉藏州县宗教神圣场域的共同体意识的表达

以川、青区域涉藏州县的藏传佛教场所为重点关注对象,探讨涉藏州县宗教神圣场域中共同体意识的建构渊源、演进历程、现时表达及未来期望。在具有藏传佛教传统的涉藏州县区域,以寺院为核心的神圣场域建构,是藏传佛教历史传承和发展的主要路径。在川青涉藏州县的多民族复合文化语境下,藏传佛教的神圣场域建构不断发展完善。在这一漫长历程中,藏传佛教一方面不断调适以适应本土化的历史现实语境,另一方面则通过教派之间竞争博弈与交往交流,形成与社会主义社会相适应的藏传佛教文化形态。在这个历史过程中,中华民族共同体意识有其在场的内在基础,并与藏传佛教话语体系形成相互促进、相互成就的正反馈路径,不仅形成了具有中华民族认同心理的地缘文化与宗教神圣场域叙事,而且还以人物交流、宗教传播及文化扩散的方式对周边乃至更远区域的中华民族文化构建产生了积极的辐射影响。同时,文化的交往、交流和交融构成了中华民族共同体意识在川青涉藏州县多元文化语境的终极表达。     

新媒体时代涉民族因素网络舆情研究

新媒体是在多媒体和网络技术相结合的基础上发展起来的新型传播媒体,具有传播主体多样化、传播路径互动化、传播客体个性化的特征.在涉民族因素网络舆情的危机管控中充当着预警员、引导者、过滤器的角色,同时也对涉民族因素网络舆情的管控工作提出了新的挑战.涉民族因素网络舆情管控面临着舆论载体分离、引导力度不够、分析不到位的困境.坚持在网络舆情引导的过程中,铸牢中华民族共同体意识,化被动为主动,充分利用新媒体的优势,做好舆情的正确引导和分析,是摆脱这些困境的重要途径.     

藏彝走廊中"藏回"的民族认同及其主体性——以云南省迪庆藏族自治州香格里拉县"藏回"为例

本文以生活在云南省迪庆藏族自治州的"藏回"为研究对象,运用人类学理论和方法,将民族认同放在具体的历史、政治和社会情景中来讨论,分析"藏回"身份认同的特点,挖掘、再现研究对象的主体性(subjectivity),挑战回族族源多元但认同一元的观点.本文将说明迪庆藏族与回族之间的族群界限是模糊的、流变的,他们表现出来的主体性和历史记忆是建构"藏回"身份认同的主要因素,文化实践只是"藏回"认同的一个表层依据.     

当代藏族女大学生的首饰观——以西南民族大学藏族女大学生为例

首饰是藏族文化中的组成部分,具有相对的稳定性和民族性的特征.因此,通过首饰观可以反映出个人对民族文化、民族认同的态度.文章通过对西南民族大学不同年级的藏族女大学的首饰观的调查,发现其对民族文化的了解从深度上来讲是随着年级的增长而增长的;其对民族认同的态度则有越来越强烈或逐渐淡化两种可能性.     

解放战争时期云南涉藏地区党组织建设研究

做好基层党组织建设是中国共产党领导人民在革命和建设时期长期坚持的一项重要工作。云南涉藏地区的党组织建设是党领导民族地区人民群众进行革命建设的一个缩影,解放战争时期是云南涉藏地区党建工作的开创期,在上级党组织的领导下发动群众、力克时艰,逐步创建起较为完整的组织构架,党建工作取得重大进展。云南涉藏地区党组织在建设过程中,积极调动组织力量,通过发动武装斗争、开展统战工作以及组织政权建设等方式为实现云南涉藏地区的解放做出了重大贡献。在组织建设过程中呈现出独具特色的基本特点:自上而下,秘密开展组织建设;党为中心,实行党政军一体化;兼容并蓄,吸收民族人员入党。解放战争时期云南涉藏地区的党组织建设极大增强了党领导当地干部群众的力量,有效促进了云南涉藏地区对中国共产党的理性认同与情感认同,既明确“知之”又坚定“信之”,为云南涉藏地区的党组织建设奠定了坚实的基础。     

浅析藏族作家阿来《尘埃落定》中的民族性心理意识

《尘埃落定》是阿来以藏族生活为题材的小说,将藏民族的历史文化与雪域高原的神秘相结合,表现出神秘的高原色彩.并于2000年度获得茅盾文学奖.小说对嘉绒藏族的历史再现,凸显了作为藏族作家独特的身份背景.藏民族赋予阿来的民族文化心理机制潜移默化地转化为作品的风格.本文试从典型人物设置、民族文化心理的坍塌、作家原生情感表现三个方面试图说明作品的创作风格是作家民族"原生情感"的外化.     

Meeting / Derrida

In August 1999, Jacques Derrida gave a number of lectures and seminars in Melbourne and Sydney. The seminar of 13 August, held at Sydney's Seymour Centre Theatre, was open to the public. It consisted of a question-and-answer session with Genevieve Lloyd, David Wills, Paul Patton and Penelope Deutscher. Its title, 'Themes from Recent Work', reflected interests in the work from Specters of Marx (1994) onwards which some, including Paul Patton, have referred to as deconstruction in its affirmative phase. What follows is a by-no-means verbatim record of the event. Rather it is but one member of the audience's account of what transpired in the seminar – an account which is therefore necessarily selective and pressed through the grid of my own quasi-philosophical interests. Following this account of the seminar, I offer some marginal notes on the open discussion following the seminar, then, finally, some reflections on a particular matter discussed at the dinner which followed that – madness.     

Defining ‘real India’: representations of authenticity in independent travel

As an alternative to the stereotypical mass tourism, independent travellers – travellers who travel for extended periods on low budgets while ostensibly avoiding formalized tourist activities and locales – are invested in constructing ‘authentic’ travel experiences. Practices such as ‘off-the-beaten-track’ travel and cultural engagement provide the means by which independent travellers are able to make claims to such authenticity. Authenticity is constructed by travellers through idealizations of intimacy and non-commodification. These idealizations are tangled in narrative representations of ‘real’ India and ‘real’ Indians, their ‘real’-ness typified by an absence of other travellers, tourists and, more generally, Western contamination. In these ways, ‘authentic’ travel is dependent upon actively constructed binaries of Western travelling subjects and exotic Indian objects. Yet travellers' fantasies of the Other are fragile and subject to collapse at moments in which so-called Others articulate their subjectivity in a way that is inconsistent with travellers' expectations. Through a focus on travellers' narratives of their experience, both the requirement for an Orientalist dichotomy as well as the ruptures that continually challenge this dichotomy, will emerge.     

The changing configurations of self-(m)other dialogue in North Cyprus

This paper deals with issues of identity, nationalism, postcolonialism, and self-other relations with a focus on a period of transformative events in North Cyprus. It notes how nationalism has been the dominant means of identification for Cypriots in their modern history, and argues that unless weakened and supplanted by a radically pluralist democracy, nationalism imagines one's identity as an indivisible unity and has no place for different others within the nation. However, a pressing relationship with others and otherness is no stranger to Cypriots either, which makes it clear that the border that defines the ‘we’ of such nationalism is, at the same time, the line that divides the self intrinsically, indicating the otherness of the self or its alterity. Subjectivity involves subjection to the other.     

三江源自然保护区生态旅游开发的SWOT分析

本文就三江源自然保护区开发生态旅游产品的可行性及发展潜力,运用SWOT分析模式进行客观分析,并得出三江源开发生态旅游产品是实现该地区可持续发展的最佳途径。     

Changing patterns of mobility,citizenship and conflict in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Mobility and migration are inherent ingredients of Indonesian cultures. In an archipelago with thousands of islands of various size, character and nature, mobility is an important means to make a living and to survive by migration. The right to free movement in Indonesia is constitutionally granted. It can create mobility and give expression to equal citizenship rights at the same time as it can trigger the enforcement of borders among cultural groups and the ethnification of local and regional politics. Mobility thus always comes along with immobility. Physical mobility of one group of people might cause immobility of another group or it might create cultural and political immobility in the same group. In places such as Eastern Indonesia, people have developed reciprocal means to integrate newcomers. Whereas the immigrants are usually disadvantaged citizens with regards to land and customary rights, those living in the area for generations have nonetheless become integral parts of quite peaceful local settings, one way or the other. The advancement of decentralization, democratization and direct elections of political representatives can lead to political empowerment, the promotion of ethnicity as election capital and changing patterns of belonging. This paper illustrates these ambivalences by looking at mobility in Indonesia more generally and how changing national policies and laws lead to reinterpretations of mobility patterns and trigger changes in relations between local population groups and existing mechanisms of cultural and political inclusion and exclusion. Butonese migrants in Maluku will here serve as a case study.     

‘Both an Arab and a woman’: gendered,racialised experiences of female Palestinian citizens of Israel

Following feminist and postcolonial discourses, this paper uses the concept of ‘everyday experience’ as a tool to trace the social world of educated Palestinian women in Israel. The term refers to the complex array of these women's experiences in racialised and gendered social sites, as well as within the class, religious, and ethnic contexts in the subordinated group and its relations with the dominant Jewish group. Based on 108 in‐depth interviews with Palestinian women citizens of Israel, the paper claims that educated Palestinian women are located in a ‘third place’ between cultural, gender, class, national and racial structures that generates a continual ambivalence. Within this marginal, ‘unhomely’ space women negotiate their own identities and challenge dominant social definitions. Women create various modes of interim spaces and multi‐dimensional, shifting identities for themselves. The ambivalent attitudes generated by the women's experiences expose the possibility of shedding categorising markers. The omnipresent existence of the gendered, racialised regime of knowledge makes every place a potential site of subversion and resistance.     

Identification,the exercise of democracy and the fear of the Other – the June EU referendum in the UK

ABSTRACT

The focus is the oscillation among leave voters in the EU referendum from the exercise of rights - an act of dis-identification – towards the assertion of identity as members of a British community. This was mediated by voters acting in an association of citizens calling on the equalising agency of the British people whilst claiming membership of a locally circumscribed community, perceived as injured, through entanglement with the Other prominent among them Europeans. Hence the recovery of the injured community as the object of the denunciators’ desire for identity coupled with the fear of the Other. Predicated on this was the resumption of class, gender and ethnic roles reflected in division among voters. The denunciation of togetherness with Europeans served leave voters to substitute the exercise of rights with a longing for identity. Instrumental in this was the lack of deliberation in the plebiscite to articulate the will of individual voters through a general will. The ‘direct power’ exercised enabled many to cast away their role as citizen in an attempt to claim their privileges as members of a racially and culturally demarcated British community. Paradoxically, the voters’ unashamed disavowal of their agency as citizens by seeking to restore a divided social world as the source of their identity was represented as an exercise in democracy. To some playing on words was supplemented by the use of force removing the gap between the discursive exclusion of the Other and the continued physical presence of bearers of different races and culture.     

Citizenship, ‘rubbished’ dissidents and local restoration of the dead – the execution of Luri political activists in south-western Iran

The paper's focus is a critical moment in the trajectory of the Islamic state in Iran, the trace of which was still discernible in the presidential election of 2009. It draws on ethnographic research among the Lurs of south-western Iran between 1979–1982 to examine the impact of the abolition of politics as contested representations at the centre on a ‘remote’ periphery. The end of a short-lived political activity, as a distinct form of power, in Iran in 1981 was earmarked by mass executions of which only 1600 had been officially counted for the period of 20 June to September 1981 (Amnesty International). The executed were guilty of expressing dissent against divine rule of which the Islamic state was an embodiment. Although the Lurs paid a less heavy penalty for this ‘crime’ than elsewhere in the country the survivors' response to the loss of a young relative in the hands of Islamic executioners was noticeably muted. The response is looked at as the restoration of the status of the dead to the executed relative whose body had been ‘rubbished’ – wrapped in an American flag and abandoned unburied in a desolate place by the Muslim executioners. The paper argues ‘rubbishing’ signified the annihilation of citizenship under the Islamic rule in which the body of the citizen is seen as harbouring ‘the most corrupt’ subject, the sinner who could not even be ‘rectified’ through a less destructive use of force – flogging and mutilation. It, therefore, had to be disposed of – ‘rubbished’. The survivors, on the other hand, by confining themselves to the symbolic return of the executed relative to the community left unacknowledged his quest for equality and liberty. By their reluctance to remember and recount the executed's words and deeds the survivors refused to grant him the ‘immortality’ of a citizen whose death outlived his destruction. The brutal suppression of political agency at the centre and its muted recognition in the periphery are explained as a negation of political power. The power entails postponing the use of force to the last resort thus allowing plurality as a human condition to be realised. Consequent on this realisation is the publicly contested opinions by many who would inevitably challenge the truths guarded by few both at the centre and periphery. It was this challenge that led the ruling mullahs to invoke the Koranic Truths to annihilate the disseminators of opinions. The unspoken citizenship of the annihilated dissidents in the periphery served in turn to reassert the Lurs' historically cherished otherness geared to the use of force. The citizenship called for a discursive inclusion of Lurs, through the use of ‘the pen’, in a wider world, by postponing the use of force. In contrast, the traditional Luri rebels relied heavily on an immediate use of force, through the celebrated ‘rifle’, to perpetuate their perceived inaccessibility. Resistance leads to emancipation, the paper argues, when the particularised subjectivity of local actors is superseded in the universal – objectified – political space in which the agent, i.e. the citizen, overrides the boundaries within which localness is reproduced.     

犹太人能成为基督徒吗?反思、挑战与困惑

本文从一名犹太基督徒的视角出发,阐述了在作者身上所发生的犹太教与基督教身份之间的张力,并从耶稣、保罗以及早期犹太基督徒身上寻找解决方案,进而消解基督教与犹太教之间历史上的误会与冲突,以及如何从基督教的角度去协同与犹太教的关系。最后,作者陈述了现代以色列国内巴勒斯坦人的现状,并提出作为一个基督徒的正当立场。     

From man to men to missing links

Has racial thinking always existed? Have human populations always organized and delineated difference through racial categories? This paper argues that race and racism are the products of nineteenth century European thought wherein radically new conceptions of time permitted new ways of articulating and classifying difference. It was possible for race to become the organizing principle around which to delineate human variation at that moment when the singularity of human time was shattered into multiple temporalities. It is when man's origin comes to be pluralized (the origins of men) that the modern category of race is born and the modern prejudice of racism finds expression.