人类学的香料研究与“客体叙事”

Spice is not an object of narration in classical anthropology. In anthropological works, such as Edward Burnett Taylor’s Anthropol￣ogy and Julius E. Lips’ The Origin of Things, studies on material culture mainly focus on the bas￣ic necessities of daily life, like clothing, houses, movement,and utensils which embody humankind’s thoughts, technology and clusters of traditions and customs as cultural carriers. In these studies, food and spice are always understated, if mentioned at all. The return of spice to the foreground of anthro￣pological knowledge seems to signal a formal return to the narrative objects found in classical anthro￣pology. The objects, however, are totally differ￣ent. Moving from conspicuous large-scale objects in the field and life, the focus is on minimalist ob￣jects such as spice. Spice, sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, salt and other such things have become the objects of narrative in anthropology. This change continues the objective of plain subject in the discipline. This return to heritage, intensifies and surpasses the classical themes of anthropology. It is all about building the Noah’s Ark for anthropology’s returning home.
Traditional anthropologists firmly defended fo￣cus on “the pure, primitive ethnic group”. They never considered their own western world as the object of fieldwork. In the beginning, anthropolo￣gists upheld the theoretical ideal of the uniformity of ethnic groups. However, practically, they drew a distinct line between the primitive “other” and their own groups ( themselves) . If anthropoplogy is trying to do reflexive research, then, the commonly-used material objects in daily life are the best ones for self -reflexive observation. Whereupon,“eating” becomes a common divisor of human’s u￣niformity. Food systems, like language or the other acquired behaviors, not only reflect diversities in uniformity , but also locates in the core of self-de￣fining conception ( S. W. Mintz, Chinese Ver￣sion, 2010,3). Spice, sugar, tea, coffee, choco￣late, salt and other such minimalist objects provide a mirror for the Western anthropologists to engage in self -reflection and inward self -gazing, and also to reflect on the interactivity of emic -etic. The desire, motivation, event, symbol, change and influence hidden in the modernization of west￣ern society are reflected. This kind of research also unpacks the process of food supply from the “oth￣er” before our eyes, and weaves the world into an interdependent and distinctive network through the dual change between “self” and the “other”.
Following the “thread” of “eating” has be￣come a growing trend for engaging in self-reflec￣tion, and returning home. An increasing number of anthropologists are engaging in this trend and mak￣ing significant achievements. Mintz, Turner, and Rain are influential representatives.
Spice, as an element of food, is quite subtle. If these anthropological works are merely consid￣ered as the “texts” of food anthropology, then, it is misleading. If viewed intuitively, the category of spice is quitebroad. Daily seasoning, adventurous seasoning, and traditional aromatics are all conclu￣ded in this category, as well as sugar, salt, cof￣fee, chocolate and tea. The types and classes are numerous and complex. These spices play various roles beyond the food and cuisine systems in the world, permeating into the relevant social and cul￣tural fields, and reflect cultural phenomena and in￣trinsic meaning. Compared with the macro objects in material culture, spice, like the atom in phys￣ics, is a component of material culture. By stud￣ying the minimalist elements of material culture, we can uncover the universality of humanity, pro￣vide better explanations for group differences, and achieve an ideal link and interaction between the differences and similarities. Disassembling the a￣tomic symbols, together with the reference of“oth￣erness”, Western society is well situated in the field to complete its self re -exploration and cul￣tural writings ( S. W. Mintz, Chinese Version, 2010, 210). By playing a narrative role, the sub￣tle pieces of spice deliver profound and significant meaning . This attempt is brand new for anthropolo￣gy. Its academic purport goes far beyond the field of food anthropology.
Among these texts in which spice is used as a narrative object, a mixed research method is main￣ly adopted. Fieldwork is essential. It is important to make investigations of spice in the field, and to gather first-hand observations. Collecting histori￣
cal references and doing a literature review are also necessary . Documents, personal notes and dairies, and relevant references should be collected and processed. From the academic point of view, it has obvious cross - disciplinary characteristics. Not only is anthropological training needed, but also a rich knowledge of various disciplines such as histo￣ry, international trade, botany, perfume, and chemistry. Compared with some anthropologists who sit in rocking chairs, and others who work in the field, the narration of spice is a much tougher task. In these above instances, after one year of fieldwork, an ethnography can be written and pub￣lished quickly. However, it took Mintz 30 years to conceive and produce his ethnography on sugar. This striking contrast reveals the great difficulties and challenges the research encountered.
There are three kinds of contexts contained in writing this kind of narrative. The first one is “a￣tomic” context. It takes spice as the essential com￣ponent of the established culture of material, spirit and institution, and attempts to discover the way different ethnic groups mould their concept of group values and behavior. It is also the process of moulding the nation-ness of ethnic groups which is linked with the holistic structure of the groups. Spice experiences diving from the luxuries confined to kings and great noblemen to the common daily consumption of the middle class and underclass. When items which were once luxuries become daily supply, national tastes and living styles will form or change. The next is the “radial” context. The multiple-uses of aromatics, which are given fresh meaning in the process of their use, turn into sym￣bols. In the sacrificial rituals of ancient civiliza￣tions which used aromatics, the fragrant spices symbolized the concept of “attracting and appeal￣ing to the gods, and expelling evil spirits” ( J. Turner, Chinese Version, 2007,p. 274). In the medical context, spices could maintain health, prevent plague and treat disease. The culinary spices represented communication and identity of the rich and politically connected, and illustrated their control and power over other classes ( S. W. Mintz,Chinese Version, 2010,p. 101). The pre￣servative function of spices was not only used in food preservation, but also used as one of the ma￣terials for mummifying the pharaohs. The function of beauty and cleaning reveals their lifestyle. The different fragrances used by the sexes illustrate their stimulation and enhancement for reproduc￣tion. ( P. Rain, Chinese Version, 2007, p. 30&43). Spice, as a cultural symbol, radiates ( ex￣tends) into multiple fields, and presents the pat￣terns of thinking of certain ethnic groups. The last one is a context of concatenation. Spice is an ever flowing and changing material object. The fluidity of spice stems from its rareness, remoteness, and high price. The pursuit of aromatics developed into a worldwide spice trade. But the spice trade did not change the taste of different people radically. During the establishment of the modern world sys￣tem, spice brought about great change not only of the production pattern, but also the western lifes￣tyle. In this process, the production of spice, sug￣ar, tea and so on, the trade, the consumption of these daily supplies is linked together through a network. A series of events such as the great mari￣time expansion, colonial expansion, the slave trade and plantation economy, the alternation of the world hegemony, and the bulk agricultural trade are woven into this interconnected context. The interactive causality of the evolution of culture is the needle of linkage, and is the mirror image of the tandem structure as well.
This triple context organizes the micro-scale object, medium-scale society and the larger scale macro world into one text. It focuses on the core object of the Western society itself, ultimately im￣plements the mutual reflection of “micro spice”and the “macro world, and completes the “self-observation” of western society.     

民国时期天山北麓东路城市多民族居民生活的变化

Although the Republican era of China did not last very long, it was a significant period in which China transformed from an agricul-tural to an industrial era, and from a traditional so-ciety to a modern one. During this period, not only did the politics and economics change dramatical-ly, but also the lives of urban residents. Although Xinjiang is located in the western frontier area of inland China, since the Qing dynasty, its politi-cal, economic and cultural connections with inland China gradually increased. Xinjiang is not an iso-lated region, it actually is located in the central ar-ea of Asia. So, its openness is very pronounced. Even though during the Republican era, inland China was gripped in the chaos of war, Xinjiang’s political, economic and cultural connections with the inland were never broken. Although sometimes the central government’s control in Xinjiang was not so strong, the central government’s policies had always impacted strongly on Xinjiang. In addition, due to the continuous migration of the inland popu-lation ( especially intellectuals, and political and military people) into urban areas, such as Dihua in Xinjiang during the Republic era of China, the politics, economics and culture of inland China had a big impact on the lives of Xinjiang urban res-idents. Moreover, Xijiang is neighbors with Rus-sia. Since the middle of the 19th century, Russia, whose industrialization and modernization occurred earlier and faster than China’s, often made political and military invasions, as well as cultural infiltra-tion, into Xinjiang. After the founding of the Sovi-et Union, its influence on the cities of Xijiang gradually increased. Especially during the period when Sheng Shicai managed Xinjiang, the influ-ence of the Soviet Union on Xinjiang was the stron-gest. In addition to political influence, economic and cultural influences became more pronounced, and numerous industrial and cultural products made in the Soviet Union were imported into Xin-jiang. This had a dramatic impact on the urban residents of Xinjiang. As a political, economic and cultural center of Xinjiang, Dihua was alive with many Russians who engaged in political, economic and cultural activities. Hence, their direct or indi-rect influence on the lives of Dihua residents was stronger than in other cities. At present, the research on Xinjiang during the Republican era of China mainly focuses on the political and economic domains , and less attention is paid to its urban life. However, the changes of modernization are not only reflected in the aspects of politics and economics, but also in the field of social life. Hence, to strengthen the research on the changes in social life in urban areas of Xinjiang during the Republican era of China is significant. The Republican era of China was an important pe-riod for Xinjiang society. Although if we compare it with the urban areas along the eastern coastal ar-ea of China, the impact of western culture on the lives of urban residents in Xinjiang during this pe-riod was not so strong, and the changes in social life also reflected multi - ethnic characteristics. The changes in urban life in Xinjiang were also an important part of the changes following China’s modernization. It reflected a both generalization and a diversity of the urban changes created by China’s modernization. In addition, one should note the impact of the changes in Xinjiang’s urban life during the Republican era on that of Xinjiang during the latter half of the 20th century. Thus, it is very necessary to conduct a research on the lives of Xinjiang’s urban residents during the Republican era of China. Xinjiang has been a multi-ethnic area since ancient times, a fact which contributes the ethnic diversity that characterizes the social life of Xin-jiang cities. During the Republican era, the mate-rial life of the various ethnic groups living in Xinjiang’s cities changed successively due to the impact of external cultures, and the wave of mod-ernization. However the changes to the material lives of the various ethnic groups were different. The content of material life is very broad. General-ly speaking, it comprises people’s daily life, inclu-ding clothing, food, shelter and transportation, all of which are regarded as basic essentials for peo-ple. In a period of scarcity of goods and materials, material life became the most important thing for most of the public. Hence, changes with regard to material life, to a large extent, is reflected in the changes in the social lives of urban residents. Generally speaking, compared with the situa-tion in the Qing dynasty, the clothing in Xinjiang cities such as Dihua exhibited a big change. How-ever , this change displayed multi-ethnic and diver-sified characteristics. Concerning the food culture of Dihua urban residents during the Republican era of China, it reflected more open, inclusive and mutually influential features. In other words, the existence of a diversified food culture and diverse development was an important characteristic of the time. Concerning shelter during this period, a big change in Dihua’s urban style was that some mod-ern buildings co-appeared alongside traditional style buildings, no matter whether it was in the pri-vate space or public space. Moreover, the trans-portation mechanisms also changed during this pe-riod. Roads for cars appeared in Dihua, which opened the gate for Xinjiang’s automobile age. During the Republican era of China, most ur-ban residents in Xijiang’s cities, such as Dihua, kept their traditional customs. However, there were also some changes due to the influence of ex-ternal cultures—these changes were presented as the characteristics of pluralism, diversity and a mixture of the old and new. Multiple ethnic groups concentrated in an area in the eastern zone line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan. During the process of history, the different ethnic groups formed their own cultures and religious beliefs. In the Republican era of China, the various ethnic groups lived in harmony most of time, and the plu-ralism and inclusiveness of cultures gradually in-creased. Generally speaking, the lives and cus-toms of the Han in Xinjiang cities, such as Dihua during the Republican era of China, were almost same as those of the Han in inland China. On one hand, they kept many of their traditional customs;yet, on the other hand, they also gradually accept-ed some new ones from external cultures. The eth-nic minorities, such as the Uygur and Hui, were deeply influenced by Islamic religious culture. Their religious cultural life exhibited almost no change during the Republican era of China, and they, for the most part, maintained their tradi-tions. During this period, in keeping with the gradual consciousness of ethnic equality, although various ethnic groups kept their own traditions, and they did not reject each others’ traditions, and instead, there was some mutual exchanges among them. This made the urban culture more diversi-fied . Not only were the festivals of the Uyghur pop-ular among themselves, the Han were also invited to participate in them. Moreover, the Han’s festi-vals, especially the Spring Festival, Lantern Festi-val and others, were also gradually accepted by other ethnic groups, and, for example, the Uy-ghur, Hui, Mongolian and Kazakhs, and others all participated in these festivals. In the middle and latter period of the Republican era, the urban cul-ture of Xinjiang exhibited a sense of openness. Within the basis of maintaining their own ethnic cultural traditions, each ethnic group showed an opened attitude to new cultures, and, hence, ur-ban culture became more diversified and rich. During the time when agriculture was more dominant , traditional cities lacked of public cultur-al spaces. Hence, Buddhist monasteries, Taoist temples and mosques became the sites for organi-zing public cultural activities in the urban areas. Since modern times, the public cultural spaces in urban areas have experienced a great change. Parks, as a new mode of public space, began to appear successively in some important cities. At the end of the Republican era of China, the public cultural space of Dihua had been further expand-ed. In 1948, there were four such kind of public cultural sites in Dihua, such as Zhongshan Park, Hongyan Lake, Shuimo River, and Wulabai. In addition to these, the cinema also played a very important role in the new entertainment life of the urban residents of Dihua. In 1944, Dihua had three movie theaters which were run respectively by the government, a businessman and a Russian. Movies had a very direct impact on the residents’ vision and mind, especially on the youth. A new movie sometimes would change some people’s view of life or the rules of their behavior. In short, the Republican era was a dramatic period of change during which China transformed from a traditional agricultural society to a modern industrial one. Following the changes in politics, economics and culture, people’s material life and cultural life were also changed. Due to the vast territory, and uneven political and economic devel-opment of China, the changes differed in various regions. Xinjiang is a frontier area in western Chi-na. Its communication with the outside world was not so convenient. Hence, compared with the east-ern coastal region, the degree of change in Xin-jiang was lower, and the speed of change was also relatively slower. However, this kind of change ac-cumulated over several decades, so, with time, the changes also became very noticeable. Howev-er , due to the uneven regional development in Xin-jiang, the changes in some cities were slow while in some they were fast. Compared with other places of Xinjiang, the changes along the eastern line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan, and taking Dihua as the center, were faster and more obvious in the Republican era. On one hand, Di-hua was more strongly influenced by the politics, economics and culture of inland China; and, on the other hand, Dihua was also influenced more di-rectly by the politics, economics and culture of the Soviet Union With the combined role played by the both sources, the material life of the urban resi-dents of Dihua, including clothing, food, shelter and transportation, as well as the customs, and cultural entertainments, changed dramatically. This change was not only similar to that of inland cities, but it also reflected regional characteristics of Xinjiang—the characteristics of ethnicity and di-versity wee more pronounced. In addition, com-pared with Tibet which is also in the western fron-tier of China, the changes brought by the urban modernization in Xinjiang was more dramatic. This was directly connected with Xinjiang’s geographical location, natural climatic conditions, as well as its political, economic and cultural development. Al-though Xinjiang lies in the western frontier of Chi-na, its transportation connections with inland Chi-na and the outside world were more convenient than those in Tibet. During the Republican era, the railways, highways and aviation routes devel-oped relatively well, the Xinjiang’s economic, and cultural connections with both inland China and the Soviet Union were also relatively close. In addi-tion, an important natural condition which also created good conditions for the opening up of Xin-jiang is that the elevation of most areas of Xinjiang is not high—the average elevation is around 1000 meters. Hence, the natural geographical conditions promoted a population flow between Xinjiang and inland China, as well as between Xinjiang and the Soviet Union. Moreover, after the settling of Xin-jiang province at the end of the Qing dynasty, the feeldings and unity with inland China were ensured from an institutional aspect. It was just under such kind of background that the lives of the urban resi-dents living in the eastern zone of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan experienced a dramatic change, and presented a characteristic of ethnic diversity, pluralism and mixture of old and new.     

台湾排湾族头饰特征及文化内涵

Among Taiwan’s aboriginal tribes, the Paiwan has the most exquisite decorative adorn￣ments on their costumes. In addition to the decora￣tions of their clothing, they also give importance to the decorations on their headdress. Every group designs different headdresses according to social status— this also reflects the cultural identity of the group. The headdress is an external marker of ethnic culture, the carrier of ethnic customs and aesthetic consciousness, and it helps to transmit and promote traditional culture.
The Paiwan people have various forms and shapes of headdresses which are designed freely according to the designer’s artistic inspiration. However , the snake form can only be used by trib￣al leaders. The headdresses are mainly made from natural materials, such as eagle feathers, animal hides, animal teeth, horns, flowers, grasses, seeds, colored glazed beads, shells, ceramics, metal, etc. However, eagle feathers, animal hides, animal teeth, horns, and colored, glazed beads can only be used by leaders and nobles;common people are strictly forbidden to use these materials.
The social organization of the Paiwan and their festivals and sacrificial ceremonies determine their various headdresses. The headdresses and head bands of the Paiwan are made mainly from black or red flannel; the shape and the use of the materials reflect hierarchical differences. Head￣dresses can be divided into those of leaders, no￣bles, warriors and commoners.
The form of the Paiwan people’s headdress consists of strong layering;each is decorated with a variety of materials, creating a three-dimensional effect. The decoration of a moulded cottonmouth snake on the head band reflects the people’s snake worship, and also the group’s aesthetic conscious￣ness and worship of ancestors.
The decorative expertise and complex working process reflect the Paiwan people’s superb skills in weaving. The materials used for the headdresses of Paiwan people are mostly derived from nature, and strongly reflect regional characteristics.
Totem worship is characteristic of Paiwan reli￣gion, and it is a form which combines the worship of nature and ancestors. The forms of animals re￣flect the psychology of Paiwan people’ s original worship in which they depended on getting along with nature, and in which they placed their hopes in Totem worship.
The Paiwan have many myths, which is one of the characteristics of their culture. The forms of the sun and cottonmouth snake, which decorate the headdresses of the leaders, reflect that the sun is the creation of life. Chamilia beads are regarded as a class symbol by the Paiwan people, and have a protective function.
The first child of a Paiwan family, no matter whether it is a boy or girl, has the right to inherit property of his/her paternal or maternal home. One should also notice that the colors, materials, and forms of the headdress of Paiwan man and woman in the same class are the same.
In summary, the shapes and forms of the Paiwan people’s headdresses vary. They reflect the Paiwan people’s unique aesthetic consciousness, and embody the Paiwan people’s excellent tech￣niques in traditional decorative handwork. The use of colors represents the Paiwan’s optimistic attitude towards life. Materials are derived from nature, which reflects the group’s harmonious relationship with the nature. Headdresses are not only an exter￣nal form of decoration, but they also have profound cultural connotation and national consciousness. The class system, taking nature as beauty, worshi￣ping ancestors, their myths, and the equality be￣tween men and women reflected in the headdresses of the Paiwan people indicate the Paiwan people’s inheritance of tradition, natural worship and pur￣suits in life. The study of the artistic features and cultural connotation of the headdress of the Paiwan people can help to protect Paiwan traditional adornment technique, and enrich the requirement of diversity in headdress design.     

拱心石与神王——施鲁克人的nyikang神与神圣王权的研究

In his famous book The Golden Bough,James Frazer mentioned one special custom found along the shores of Lake Nemi in Italy. The forest king who lived beside Lake Nemi, was not only once a prisoner, but also the murderer of his predecessor. Why did the King have to be killed? How could he be killed? This was the very starting point of James Frazer’s divine kingship study. This was in contrast to the common idea held in many cultures, that kings, or even gods, would die. However, in the most primitive societies, kings and gods also had a symbolic duty. People be-lieved that their king took the responsibility to maintain the order of society and the natural world. In that case, it was obvious that if the king became old and weak, the society and order would be in danger. The way used by primitive people to solve this problem was to kill the king when he became weak, and to rebuild this symbol of order through the accession of a new king. This worry about the loss of order and fertility, Frazer explained, was the reason why they choose to kill their king, who was also a god to them. To prove his theory, Fra-zer used many examples. Among them, the exam-ple of the Shilluk of Nilotic Sudan was the only real case of a people killing their king. All the kings were possessed by the spirit of Nyikang, who was not only a hero and king in their history, but also the god who created the universe of the Shilluk people. In Shilluk, it was not the king who ruled the country, but the spirit who possessed him. For that reason, once the king showed his weakness and age, he had to be killed or commit a suicide so as to keep Nyikang in a healthy body. This case was mentioned by James Frazer, re-examined by Evans-Pritchard, and discussed by Henri Frank-fort and David Graeber. The Shilluk people lived in Sudan, in the Ni-lotic area alongside the Nile River. Their kingdom consisted of y many hamlets and occupied by linea-ges. But all these hamlets and lineages shared the same king, who was believed to be the descendant of their semi-divine hero and first king, Nyikang. Nyikang was believed to bring the fertility of men, of cattle, and of the crops. He lived among his people and blessed them. He was a mythological figure who represented a changeless moral order and the stable structure of the state. The Shilluk people believed that the king was the embodiment of Nyikang, and, thus, shared his divinity. All the Kings were believed to be descended from Nyi-kang. The king could be killed for two reasons:when he could no longer satisfy his wives, it was time for him to die and make room for a more vig-orous successor; or he would be killed by one of the prince who coveted the shrine at night. There were many graves of kings and of Nyikang all a-round the kingdom, but all the Shilluk people knew that Nyikang was not buried in any of them, he would never die. The king, however, was the container of the Nyikang’s spirit. Thus, after his death, he was no longer divine, so his funeral would be a clan affair rather than a national affair. In Frazer’s opinion, Shilluk kings confirmed their rule and power by maintaining their connec-tion with the god, Nyikang. And, he gained divin-ity from this connection. However, this divinity was not permanent. In the same way, the stability of the Shilluk social order was also not permanent, so the complete failure of that power would cause the danger to the entire society. When the new king ascended the throne, the social order would be re-established. So, to kill the old king when he could no longer take responsibility for the whole of society was the way for the Shilluk to release the tension and handle the danger which resulted from their king’s death and to keep the social order. Several decades after the publication of The Golden Bough, Evans - Pritchard gave a talk at The Frazer Lecture ( 1948 ) . He looked at the Shilluk custom of killing their king together with the social structure of the Shilluk kingdom, and pointed out some of the unreasonable explanations made by James Frazer. He believed that this cus-tom, which Frazer explained as the way the Shilluk maintained the divinity of kingship, had political reasons and social functions. Based on his field-work, Evans - Pritchard described the political structure of Shilluk as follows: Shilluk hamlets consisted of one to fifty different families. Each hamlet was occupied by members of an extended family or a small lineage. The headman of a hamlet was also the head of a lineage in the settlement. All the Shilluk settlements composed a common polity, i. e. the land belonging to the Kingdom of Shillukland. There were two chiefs in the hierarchy between the king and the settlements. These were the Ger, who represented northern Shillukland, and the Luak, who represented the southern shil-lukland. Those two chiefs each ritually represented half of the kingdom, and they played a very impor-tant role in the election of the new king. Evans-Prichard discovered that there were very close con-nections between the kings, the princes and their villages where they were born. The pregnant wives of the kings would be sent back to their natal villa-ges to bear their children, and the princes were brought up by the headmen of their natal villages. Except them, all of the princes had their royal cli-ents ( Ororo) in the villages. These were the com-panions of the prince, so they would live in the capital with the prince if he was chosen to be the king, and would return to their village to guard the king’s tomb. This information will help us to see and understand the social structure of Shilluk soci-ety. The dual balanced structure of Shilluk society was represented by the southern-northern opposi-tion. We find that the Shilluk kingdom had a double configuration—one that was politically re-flected in its territorial division, which was divided into northern and southern parts, and the other one was ritually reflected in the rituals related to the cult of Nyikang. The king and the capital specific-ally stayed in the center. As Evans - Pritchard said, Northern Shillukland and Southern Shil-lukland were the arches of the kingdom of Shilluk, and kingship was the keystone. This duality was clearly represented in the election system and in-vestiture. The investiture of the new king would take place about a year after his election. Since this ceremony was meant to rebuild the social or-der, all the hamlets would participate in it. After the old king’s death, the spirit of Nyikang would no longer stay in his body. Instead, it would move to an effigy of a hamlet which was in a far north dis-trict of Shillukland. The effigy would be sent by the army of north to the outskirts of the capital, where there would be a ceremonial war with the king’s army. Since Nyikang was in the northern army, it was obvious that the king would fail. Then, the ef-figy of Nyikang would be put on the king’s chair. Then, the king would sit on the chair, and, as a result, the spirit of Nyikang entered into the body of the new king. Now, there would be another war— because Nyikang had entered into the body of the new king, the northern army failed, and, they would then take the effigy back to the shrine. This ceremony not only illustrated the tension be-tween the north and the south of Shillukland, but also the tension between the god Nyikang and the human king. And all these tensions were resolved through a unified kingship. We find that Shilluk society, no matter whether within the vertical and horizontal structure of the southern -northern op-position, or among the different hamlets, they all had different objects to show their loyalty. Howev-er, all these differences would be reduced when they faced a unified national symbol— Nyikang or divine kingship. The king did not belong to any single tribe or hamlet after the ceremony. He be-came the symbol of the happiness and continuity of all the Shilluk people. From this ceremony, Evans -Pritchard re -explained the reason for the special custom of the Shilluk. He asserted that in Shilluk society, the king’s death would cause chaos and many dangers. The king had died in the way they described be-cause they were afraid of exposing the tensions hid-den within the social structure. So, this tradition was only a political myth hidden under the facts. The second kind of death of the king was that he was killed by a prince. Evans-Pritchard believed that all Shilluk princes received support from their natal villages. If all the tribes had their own king, the Shilluk kingdom would definitely be torn apart. So, they still needed a center from which to build the whole kingdom, i. e. the kingship. In a king-dom of this kind, if the king attached himself to one hamlet, other hamlets would fight for their own rights. So, because the kingship was permanent and ensured the unity of the whole kingdom, it should be emphasized. In contrast to Evans-Pritchard’ s structural-functionist explanation, the American archaeolo-gist, Henri Frankfort, made his analysis of the customs of the Shilluk based upon the methodology of mythology. He compared the divine kingship of Egypt and Shilluk in his book Kingship and the Gods. And, based upon the process of the combi-nation and separation of the king and the gods, he discussed the function of divine kingship. In E-gypt, the pharaoh was called “the Lord of Two Lands”. This title involved two gods who were en-emies:Horus and Seth. They were respectively the Kings of Upper and Lower Egypt. Even when Seth had been defeated by Horus, it did not mean that he totally disappeared. This is because he had his own function within the existing order. Horus was not only a mythological figure, but also was one which reflected on the pharaoh. The pharaoh was always regarded as Horus or his embodiment. This idea is quite similar to the connection of Nyikang with the Shilluk king. However, in Egypt, there was another god who had a close connection with the kingship, that is, Osiris. In Egypt, the dead king was believed to change into Osiris, and the king on the throne, just as Horus, was regarded as the son of Osiris. Beside this connection, in the myths, Osiris was said to be the “Ka ” of Horus, which was something like energy, and for the king, it was somewhat like a kind of ruling power. This kind of father-son relationship also ex-isted among the Shilluk people. When Evans -Pritchard described the ceremony, he mentioned that Dak, the son of Nyikang, was also honored. However, in Shilluk, Nyikang meant all the kings, no matter whether dead or alive. What was more important is that Shilluk kings themselves were not gods, they were just processed by Nyikang, and it was Nyikang who was the real ruler. That was the reason why the accession ceremony of the king was so important. However, in the Egyptian view, the concept of kingship itself was more complicated than that of the Shilluk. All the Egyptian kings themselves were gods, and their orders, as god’s order, must be obeyed. So, although there was a stable kingship in the two societies, the roles played by the king were totally different. However, we can still find some basic elements of the divine kingship from these two cases. Because the king himself was a human being, he would definitely turn old and die. In order to resolve the social stress caused by the succession of the kingship, the kingship had to be stable. So, the king must have a relationship with the gods. It was the god and the kingship that maintained the unity of this structure. In 2011 , David Graeber published his paper titled The Divine Kingship of the Shilluk in which he used theories from political science to discuss the relationship between Nyikang and the Shilluk king . He tried to use this case to understand the e-mergence of the state and power. He compared the political status of Shilluk with their myth and cos-mology. He proposed three very important con-cepts:i) divine kingship which was absolutely dic-tatorial and had god-like authority—and was one in which this divine god went beyond the morality;ii) the sacred kingship which was ritualized and exemplary—this was a kind of prophetic and legis-lative king ; iii) violence and antagonism with no reason - the subject of the violence was the sover-eign and the people. All of these three concepts, David Graeber said, could be found in the Shilluk Kingdom. That was not because they were so -called primitive ethnic groups, but because this kingdom was a “Utopian State”. In other words, this kingdom, or the construction of its main cit-ies, was an imitation to the cosmic order, and, therefore, did not need a management institution to rule it. However, because this could never exist in the real world, violence appeared. David Graeber divided the kingship into two types: the divine and the sacred. In the former, the king was believed to be the god itself. And, in the latter, the kings were those who brought and created order. However, if order was set up by a king, it was asked whether or not the king himself still stayed within the order? So, the extreme type of sacred kingship would be the denial of the limi-tation of the king’s life. David Graeber suggested that the King of Shilluk did not have real power. The responsibility the Shilluk king undetook was the order of the whole cosmos. When he became weak, he could no longer judge and rule based on the cosmology. This is the reason why he had to be killed. We can see that the king who ruled the state according to the cosmology was more like a divine king, so his fate was that he must be killed by people. However, after he was killed, the for-mer “scapegoat” became the god and was wor-shiped by the people. The social order was rebuilt because of the king’s death, and in doing so he be-came the embodiment of the strength needed to re-build the social order. So, we can note that in Shilluk society, although people expect stability and order, they cannot allow the rule to become a central control and monopoly. The king should be in the center of order, but because the king would definitely become old, people tried to reduce the disorder through killing him. Due to the limitations of the king, he was trapped in the absolute authori-ty of the divine kingship, and the infinite order of the order. Hence, he was killed again and again. The appearance of the king was to resolve the dilemma within this society. He tried to build a U-topia, but was trapped in it because of his own limitations. Just like the kings were killed con-stantly, the conflict between sovereignty and the people would never stop. David Greaber pointed out that this constant opposition was the origin of state. This opinion totally refuted existing political theories, o matter whether they were that of Max Weber or of those who believe that it was through making law and rules to solve the conflict or the so-cial tensions in Africa, for their opinions were based on the perspective of nation state. However, in Africa, at least in Nilotic Sudan, they were u-sing this conflict to build their state. Graeber’s ar-ticle indicated that in the war between the sover-eign and the people, the sovereign is limited, and can never win truly. It reveals a new possibility for the construction of a nation state and political sys-tem. To sum up the discussions above, we have found that in those societies with divine kingship, the reason for the king’s divinity was because he undertook the people’s expectation of a stable soci-ety, and the fertility of crops, and livestock. Be-cause these expectations were not stable in them-selves, people either believed that their king him-self was a god, or tried to ensure that their king was in a healthy state. The similarity between them was that people had to keep the kingship stable and reduce the tension and chaos caused by the king’s death. From their fear of disorder and the fear of powerful order, we can even find a variety of ways of thinking about a perfect and eternal order, as well as on an imperfect and limited life. Thus the King always connected with a stone, for people al-ways expect a stable and changeless eternity.     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

楚克奇人的萨满信仰与社会变迁

The Chukchee in northeastern Si-beria have a longstanding historical tradition of shamanism which was closely integrated into their traditional society and way of life. In accordance with their different modes of subsistence, the Chuckchee are divided into two basic groups, the maritime Chukchee and the reindeer-breeding Chukchee. The maritime Chukchee lived a rela-tively settled life, and hunting sea mammals played an important role in their economy. The sea mam-mal meat was their main food, its skins and the i-vory from walrus were made into different tools, and the bones of whale were the main material used for building houses. A “unit” of maritime Chukchee was composed of people whose lives cen-tered around skin boats, and this group , included both Chukchee and non-Chukchee people. they all lived together, hunted together and organized their hunting according to a special rules. The reindeer-breeding Chukchee mainly lived a nomadic life. They ate reindeer meat, dressed in reindeer fur and lived in tents made of reindeer skins. The reindeer-breeding Chukchee formed social units composed of four to five families. They lived in scattered tents and grazed reindeer together. The unit also included some non-Chukchee people. I. Shamanism among the Chukchee The Chukchee believed that we live in a world with spirits. The world was filled with various spir-its, who could not be seenor touched, were always changing and lived a life similar with that of hu-mans. In other words, the spirits also raised rein-deer, hunted, married and bore children. Wicked spirits harmed humans by preying upon their souls or bodies. Sickness and disaster were caused by this. In order to cope with this kind of sickness and disaster, it was essential to invite a shaman to combat the wicked spirits, and in some cases, the shaman made sacrifices to please such wicked spir-its. In addition to these different kinds of spirits, there were also powerful deities, such as mountain deities, forest deities, and river deities. Such dei-ties were responsible not only for the small spirits who lived in the mountains, forests and rivers, but they also were responsible for the animals and plants that were there. People who lived in or nearby these places had to communicate with the spirits and supernatural beings living in the area before they used the area’s resources. Moreover, they had to communicate with the more powerful elements which controlled the universe. According to Vladimir Bogoraz ( Waldemar Borgorose) , shamanism among the Chukchee man-ifested itself as “Family Shamanism”, and “was still in its primary stage of development”. As such, it provided “the most characteristic, pure and primitive” features of shamanism. It was com-mon in the 1800 s and early 1900 s for males to play a leading role in most Siberian groups. Yet, in spite of male dominance in shamanism, female shamans were always considered to be“leading fig-ures in the shamanic field”. Among Chukchee and Koryak there is another kind of shaman where the male shaman takes the form of a female. This hap-pened when the shaman is possessed by the identi-ty of a female spirit. They received“the call of de-ity” to change their sex through visions. In general, Chukchee shaman experienced the call to become a shaman during their adolescence. The call usually came from shaman’s inner voice, based on which the “candidate shaman” estab-lished their relationship with deities. This sudden calling often confused the initiate, and they were not always so sure about their situation. They felt“shyness” and fear; lost interest in regular life, and were unwilling to work and communicate with others. They had no appetite, and slept a lot. They often stayed in their tentall of the time, or ran away when they went out for hunting or grazing their reindeer. Generally, young people were un-willing to accept the call of the deity. No matter if they were novice shaman or ex-pert shaman, both communicated with the “deity”through drumming and singing. Novice shaman practiced drumming, as well as singing, for long periods of time in order to master the skills–this required great patience on the part of the perform-ers. Ventriloquism was the Chukchee shaman’s specific “sorcery skill” in which they were ex-tremely skillful. Stabbing a knife into their belly was also one of the sorcery skills frequently prac-ticed by Chukchee shaman. II. The changes in Chukchee shamanism dur-ing the Soviet Period During the late 1920s and 1930s, the Soviet Union government established many schools in mi-nority regions. These newly built schools laid a firm foundation for their anti-shamanism campaign. Scholars during the Soviet period no longer regar-ded shamanism as an essential element embedded within a group’s economic life, social organization, religious life and festivals, but sought to destroy it through messages which spoke of “ideology” and“class”. As a result, Chukchee shamanism expe-rienced enormous, passive, cultural change which created a cultural breakdown. At the same time, shamanic culture also exhibited a state of conflict, resistance and avoidance to survival. After World War II, the Soviet Union govern-ment tried to advance the process of collectivization in the Chukchee tundraregion. Up to the early 1950s, almost all the pastoral reindeer were con-sidered state-owned. The Soviet Union government merged reindeer-breeding collective units and coastal hunting collective units, and established mixed “farms” in the Arctic Circle and along the Bering Strait’s coast. The residences of so many coastal Chukchee were demolished, and they were relocated to alternative settlements. In these new and larger settlements, they did not need tradition-al skills, so, they could only do manual labor. Since the 1960s, the ethnic consciousness in the Northeast Siberia region has undergone tremendous changes. Most young Chukchee people do not know whether their parents were from coastal-hun-ting or inland reindeer-breeding groups, which, as we know, were the basic distinctions among the Chukchee people. More young people rejected tra-ditional occupations, and were more willing to par-ticipate in “modern” work, and they increasingly identified themselves with the social-cultural norms of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, their economic life and social organization experienced big changes under the influence of the Soviet Union. The social support of shamanism was destroyed, although it still existed privately and underground. III. Shamanic cultural revival after the col-lapse of the Soviet Union After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, a large number of Russians “escaped”;they “killed reindeer, took away all the things that could be taken away”;the young indigenous people also left in order to find jobs outside. In order to rebuild the local economy, the autonomous communities began to try to establish an “obshchina” ( com-mune or society) . In that moment, when the locals were trying to understand the world around them and were looking for ethnic identity, they, once a-gain, needed their traditional worldview and spirit-ual support. In the areas where the shamanic tradi-tion had broken down, one could only rely on reading early European travelers’ records related to shamanism, or talking with old people to get infor-mation about shamanism, and by doing so, revive the once ruptured local beliefs and culture by hold-ing religious and cultural performances regularly. Generally speaking, shamanic culture today has lost its close links with the “special spaces”, as well as its close relationship with the communi-ty. As such, it is difficult for the tradition to repre-sent the strength of the whole society, control or rescue its people and provide prosperity, fertility and guarantee military success for its people. In other words, the essential structure of shamanism, whether it was the internal cultural significance or its integration with society and environment, has been broken and shattered. Fragmented shamanic heritage is the vivid portrait of its fragmented de-velopment stage. IV. Summary Traditional Chukchee economic life, social or-ganization, religious festivals and customswere linked with each other. As a whole, they worked together and created a social order for the Chukchee, and constituted the cultural cohesion of the Chukchee. Shamanism among the Chukchee was integrated into the history of the nation and its social context. Each Chukchee could participate in religious life. Therefore, this “family shamanism”and its “shamanism features” distinguished it from other forms of shamanism among the Siberian tribes. Chukchee people reacted very passively to Christianity when it reached there. Until the early 20th century, almost all Chukchee still adhered to their own shamanistic practices. During the Soviet period, Northeast Siberia experienced the anti-religious movement, collectiv-ization movement, compulsory residence resettle-ment movement, “scientific” reindeer-breeding and other foreign “progress” and “civilization”movements. Such “progress” and “civilization”were not familiar nor were they sympathetic to the indigenous people’s traditional life. The old way of life of the Chukchee was broken, the original so-cial relations were shattered. Therefore, the Chukchee and their entire culture were “re-formed”. Remains and practices of shamanism a-mong the Chukchee went underground, retreated from mainstream social life, and became an inti-mate way of healing. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, many Russians“ran away”, and the young Chukchee al-so left their traditional homeland. The economic depression, population decline, and social erosion brought big challenges to the movement to “re-build” Chukchee society. As an attempt to bind local Chukchee people, the “obshchina” provided a possibility for reorganizing. Now, shamanism in Chukchee, just like other social organizations, is in a fragmented, theater-like state. The revival of shamanism in Chukchee in the future will not be u-nilateral, but rather rooted in its social and cultural revival system.     

中缅边境城镇缅甸籍人员生计方式与生活空间——基于云南瑞丽的调查

Against the background of good border trade policies and the prosperous economy of China, and in addition to the ethnic groups who have lived along the border for generations, a large number of Burmese nationals have entered the Sino-Burmese border area, seeking opportunities to work, trade and live. Among the population of for￣eigners living in China, Burmese nationals take fourth place. They are mainly distributed in the Si￣no-Burmese border areas. Based on an in-depth investigation of the Burmese nationals who have crossed the border and live in the Ruili National Development Experimental Zone, the paper points out the structural differences between those Bur￣mese nationals who belong to Cross-border Ethnic Groups and those who are cross-border migrants and who concentrate in and ethnic enclaves. It also specifies their different means of livelihood, living spaces and religious practices.
The survey shows that the Burmese nationals who belong to Cross-border Ethnic Groups can be traced back to the official border demarcation of the two countries in 1960 , when they migrated to towns and farms in Ruili, mainly through mar￣riage, and made their living by engaging in tradi￣tional agriculture, selling petty commodities, trading agricultural products, opening traditional restaurant/guest houses, offering tourism services or starting family handicraft workshops. They mainly speak their ethnic minority language, and are able to understand some Chinese. They are bound together by the same religious beliefs inside and outside of China. According to the investiga￣tion, since the marriage registration for Sino-Bur￣mese Border Area in 2006 , at the end of 2014 , there are 2331 registered transnational couples in Ruili City, all of whom are Burmese nationals who live along the border. Except for some Han People who married other ethnic peoples, the rest of the ethnic groups were endogamous. According to my field survey, which was confirmed by local woman cardees, the number of cross-border marriages in Ruili is actually much higher than this statistic. This is because, for a variety of reasons, a sub￣stantial number of couples did not go to the regis￣tration office.
As for the Burmese who are cross-border mi￣grants and who concentrate in ethnic enclaves, they are mostly Burman, Sino-Burmese, Burmese Indians and Burmese Pakistanis, and Arakanese. Since China’s 1992 policy to open the border, the Jiegao Bridge connecting China and Burma was built, and this group of people began to enter Chi￣na. In recent years, with the industrial transforma￣tion and development in the Ruili area, as well as the better social environment, more and more Bur￣mese nationals have crossed the border and settled down in Ruili, making a living by buying( or ren￣ting) houses, selling raw materials for jewelry and jade, processing Rosewood, and working as factory workers, construction workers, waiters and wait￣resses, and peddlers, etc. They mainly speak Bur￣mese ( Sino-Burmese are bilingual ) . Influenced and dominated by government policies, their choices of living areas are related to their ethnic i￣dentity, religious beliefs and economic power. The city of Ruili has undoubtedly left its mark.
In summary,although the “human migration”of a“Transnational class” under the background of globalization, including -immigrants, migrant la￣borers, and migrant businessmen, “Transnational social space” has been constructed in various meg￣alopolis like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen, a more complicated means of livelihood and living space has been constructed by those Burmese nationals “who belong to Cross -border Ethnic Groups”, and those Burmese nationals who cross the border as migrants and live in ethnic en￣claves in the border cities and towns of Yunnan and Burma.     

师儒与官绅：传统中国治水社会的士绅研究述评

Already for quite some time, the u-nique power structure of the traditional Chinese so-ciety has been viewed and discussed in the field of humanities and social sciences. Focusing on the status and role of its gentry class, Chinese and Western scholars have deeply researched the gen-eral characteristics of the political structure in the traditional Chinese society. And the analysis of the interaction between different social groups from the perspective of the traditional Chinese ‘hydraulic ’ structure has even gradually deepened and expand-ed this research topic. This paper looks at relevant research conducted by former scholars like e. g. Weber, Wittfogel, and Fei Xiaotong while attemp-ting to come to a more historic understanding of the relationship between the imperial power and the gentry class within the power structure of tradition-al Chinese society: this essay indeed focuses on the political status and social function of the gentry class in the traditional Chinese hydraulic society. Based on the research findings of scholars like Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Heinrich Marx, Weber pointed out that in Eastern societies there was a certain relationship between the autoc-racy and the local irrigation-based agriculture. And Weber believed that the relationship between the autocratic imperial power and the more local Con-fucian gentry was the key to understanding the po-litical structure of the Chinese society. At that time and place, the local water management-projects, other entrenched bureaucracies, the respected Confucian gentry, as well as the central imperial power were all intertwined together; this shaped a unique form of political power in traditional China. By borrowing Marx’ s concept of ‘the Asiatic mode of production’ , Wittfogel discussed the rela-tionship between ( i ) the political autocracy and ( ii) indigenous irrigation projects in Eastern socie-ties, seen from the perspective of political econom-ics. He proposed that the political autocracy was a result of the social functioning of hydraulic pro-jects, and briefly described the Eastern society as an ‘Oriental-authoritarian ’ society under the rule of an ‘absolute monarchy’ . In the eyes of Wittfo-gel, the traditional Chinese gentry was just a bu-reaucratic group attached to the totalitarian rule:their power did not draw from their own knowledge monopoly of value ethics and ritual standards, but solely from their power-relationship with the des-potic ruler. According to Wittfogel, the‘hydraulic society’ , totalitarian rule, bureaucratic groupings, and imperial power were all intertwined and togeth-er made up the government form of the traditional Chinese society. While Weber described the gentry as reputa-ble Confucian intellectuals, Wittfogel regarded them as mere bureaucrats firmly attached to the to-talitarian rule. In contrast with the Western schol-ars’ too simple view of the ‘gentry group’, Chi-nese scholars have emphasized that this ‘gentry group’ was an organism made up of bureaucrats and literati:they not only participated in local gov-ernance and cultural activities, but they also lived and passed on the inheritance of Confucian ortho-dox ideology. Fei Xiaotong stressed constantly that the tradi-tional Chinese political system wasn ’ t completely arbitrary;instead it was closely related to the so-cial class of the scholar-officials ( a combination of the bureaucrats and gentry within Chinese socie-ty) . Fei stated that the traditional Chinese society had a‘bottom-up’ or‘secondary/parallel’ track:this ‘informal track’ made it possible for the ordi-nary people to pass on their opinions to top level people. Guided by tao-t’ung ( Confucian orthodox-y) , the scholar-intellectuals were able to influence political power by expressing their opinions and by putting forward a set of ethical principles. Al-though they had no part in real political power, they still maintained a social prestige. As a buffer between imperial power and the common people, the scholar-officials could not only extend the pow-er of the monarch to the far corners of society, but they also could properly protect the interests of farmers through some informal channels outside of the system. In the view of Yu Yingshi, the scholar-offi-cials not only were royal officers but also teachers of the emperor: that is why they could exert con-straint to autocratic imperial power. Nevertheless, autocratic imperial power also constrained them. Even so, the bureaucrats and gentry kept alive the tao-t’ung in traditional Chinese political life, which safeguarded basic social values. However, the strength of tao-t’ung was always weaker than that of the royal power, therefore, Chinese society did have a tendency of ‘oriental despotism’ described by Wittfogel. In the study of Zhang Yahui, the scholar-offi-cial group was positioned right in middle of the so-ciety: this allowed them to work upwardly and downwardly. They thus could ( i) cooperate with the public to fight against the rulers ’ invasion of local life, and they ( ii) could compromise and a-gree with the rulers as to construct a new harmoni-ous coexistence model. His study reemphasized the historical role of the scholar-official group in keep-ing social harmony. In this study, the scholar-offi-cial group on one hand counterbalanced the central power’ s interference with local affairs, and on the other hand shaped more reasonable identities of the central power, acceptable for local communities. Zhang Yahui’ s study reminds us that-in the tradi-tional Chinese society-authoritarian rulers, the scholar-official group, and the public interlaced with, constrained, and supported each other, and thus constituted the overall picture of the traditional China. The scholar-official group thus was a major force in maintaining the social cohesion of the tra-ditional Chinese society. When indeed we consider both the ‘master-scholars’ and ‘bureaucrats’-the two special components of Chinese scholar-official class-we can better understand the characteristics of the vivid and interactive relationships between the rulers, the scholar-officials, and the local com-mon people. In other words, only when we recog-nize these two aspects of the gentry class, can we see the ‘unifying mechanism ’ of the traditional Chinese society;this allows us to develop a clearer social and historical picture of the traditional Chi-nese interaction between imperial power, scholarly power, and civil rights. To get to this new under-standing of the power structure of the traditional Chinese hydraulic society, we need to critically re-view all sorts of other simplified understandings of the period gentry group.     

创新理念 推进自治制度运行和自治地方治理现代化

Deepening reform, promoting the rule of law, and implementing the “Five Develop￣ment ” concepts have had a deep influence on the modernization of governance in ethnic autonomous regions. Based on a review of 30 years of success￣ful experiences in implementing ethnic regional au￣tonomous law, and focusing on the concepts of“innovation, coordination, green development, openness and sharing”, we need to conduct in -depth research on the ways to:promote governance by law, realize the modernization of governance;and promote the efficient implementation of ethnic autonomous systems in the ethnic autonomous re￣gion.
The 155 ethnic autonomous areas of China cover 64% of the total area of the country. There￣fore, the governance of the country cannot be a￣chieved without modernizing the governance in the ethnic autonomous regions. Modernizing the gov￣ernance in ethnic autonomous regions is a necessa￣ry element for modernizing the governance of the nation. The modernization of the ethnic autono￣mous regions actually means the legalization of the governance in ethnic autonomous areas, which is a main part of the legalization of the ethnic affairs.
The comprehensive, deepening of reform, and promoting governance by law have been strongly promoted. We should start from reality, respect differences, and take the development concepts of“innovation, coordination, green, openness and sharing” into consideration so as to promote the ef￣ficient implementation of ethnic regional autono￣mous systems through various methods. We should update our concepts, weaken specificity, solidify locality, intensify new thinking, innovate the run￣ning of ethnic autonomous systems, and promote the modernization of governance in ethnic autono￣mous regions. Based on a comprehensive analysis of the theories and practices used since the imple￣mentation of ethnic regional autonomous regula￣tions, and under the premise of intensifying “the legalization of ethnic affairs”, we should deepen the comprehensive reform of the ethnic autonomous regions, comprehensively promote the governance by law, and realize the goal of building a moder￣ately prosperous society as scheduled through im￣proving and innovating the running of ethnic re￣gional autonomous systems.
“Ethnic areas are districts with rich resources and water sources; they are ecological screen zones, cultural characteristic zones, border areas, and poor areas.” At the same time, due to histori￣cal, social and natural factors,“the natural condi￣tions of most ethnic areas are not good; their be￣ginning phase of development is low; they have many historical debts; they are located far away from the central markets and urban areas;their ur￣ban-rural gap is very obvious”, and “their gap with the eastern areas ( of China) is growing larger and larger”. The reform and the promotion of gov￣ernance by law in ethnic autonomous areas should put more emphasis on locality, ethnicity and “au￣tonomy”. Of course, we must avoid of “artificial￣ly” intensifying ethnic consciousness, and creating ethnic “differences”. Meanwhile, we should “im￣prove the capability for legal management of ethnic affairs”, “intensify the construction of laws and regulations related to ethnic work”, “legally han￣dle those issues involving ethnic factors”, “insist on resolving issues involving ethnic factors by the law, and avoid of regarding civil and criminal problems related to ethnic people as ethnic prob￣lems, or regarding common disputes in ethnic are￣as as ethnic problems. ”
We should affirm that China’s ethnic relations are harmonious, and that their economics are de￣veloping rapidly. Since the implementation of the policy of “reform and opening -up”, especially since 2005 , the economics in ethnic autonomous regions have developed dramatically; the people’s living conditions have continuously improved;bas￣ic infrastructure has significantly speeded up; and ecological protection has solidly improved. Howev￣er, the problems still prevail. For example, the poverty in ethnic areas is still serious—there are more than 25 million poor in ethnic rural areas. Therefore, the task of poverty alleviation is still very tough. In addition, the gap between urban and rural areas and between different regions is very large in ethnic autonomous regions. Finally, the rate of urbanization is very low.
In sum, during the process of modernizing so￣cial governance in ethnic autonomous regions, we must pay full attention to the five“stage character￣istics” of ethnic work in China which are the:( i) co - existence of opportunities and challenges brought by the “reform and opening -up” policy and the socialist market economy;( ii) co-exist￣ence of the state’s constant support to the ethnic ar￣eas and its low level of development; ( iii ) co -existence of the state’s constant support to the eth￣nic areas and the weak level of basic public service capability in ethnic areas; ( iv ) co -existence of the constant exchange and fusion between various ethnic groups and the disputes involving ethnic fac￣tors;and ( v) co-existence of the great achieve￣ments in anti-national splittism, religious extrem￣ity, and violent terrorism, as well as the active ter￣rorism activities in some areas. Only when we rec￣ognize this situation, can we understand the speci￣ficity of doing ethnic work in China. The innova￣tion of governance of ethnic autonomous areas and the promotion of governance by law in the whole country must start from this actual situation.
At present, we still need to clarify the conno￣tations of autonomous rights. Based on a clear clar￣ification of the basic meaning of ethnic regional au￣tonomous rights, we should deepen reform, active￣ly transform the governance of the ethnic autono￣mous regions, further deepen relevant theoretical studies, and positively promote the ethnic regional autonomous system. The main purpose of the eth￣nic regional autonomous areas is to promote the de￣velopment of the various affairs of ethnic minorities and ethnic regional autonomous areas. The purpose for improving the ethnic regional autonomous sys￣tem is to ensure the development of ethnic minori￣ties and ethnic regional autonomous regions. Im￣proving the ethnic regional autonomous system should transform from one of preferential treatment to one of nuanced development.
Looking back to the past, the legal construc￣tion of ethnic regional autonomy has made great a￣chievements. However, the preferential policies of the state and relevant institutes are still the real factors promoting the development of the various af￣fairs of the ethnic minorities and ethnic autonomous areas. As described in this article, there are multi￣ple factors which influence the efficiency and per￣formance of the ethnic regional autonomy. The eth￣nic autonomous regions are restricted by natural conditions and economic development, therefore, they have to depend on assistance from the state and the relevant institutes—this is the objective re￣ality. However, the improvement of the ethnic re￣gional autonomous system must change the status of the past, and enable the ethnic regional autono￣mous system play out its actual role so that the va￣rious affairs of ethnic minorities and ethnic autono￣mous regions can step onto a road of nuanced de￣velopment.
The future development of the ethnic regional autonomous system depends on the consensus of theoretical and practical circles, i. e. a long-term mechanism whose purpose is to enable the system itself play its actual role should be established. Only by such a mechanism, can these puzzling problems be solved and gradually improved. Tak￣ing the breakthrough of the actual effect of the sys￣tem as the starting point of the ethnic regional autonomy’s deepening of the reform, one should take the following aspects into consideration:1 ) re-examine existing laws and regulations, and im￣prove them on the basis of institutional norms, en￣hance normalization, uniformity and manipulability of the ethnic regional autonomous regulations; 2 ) sort out the relationship between the institutions in ethnic autonomous areas and the upper levels of the state institutes, as well as the relationship be￣tween the institutions on the same level;on the va￣rious institutional levels, enhance clear cognition on the position, role and organizing principles of the ethnic regional autonomous system, and avoid taking the ethnic regional autonomous system as the affairs of the ethnic autonomous areas;3 ) im￣prove the supervisory mechanisms for running the ethnic regional autonomous system; and 4 ) im￣prove the mechanisms for handling disputes on the running of the ethnic regional autonomous system.
We must work closely, share the achieve￣ments, and promote the operation of the ethnic re￣gional autonomous system. For this purpose, we should:1 ) standardize the management of the eth￣nic regional autonomous system, and weaken the“specificity”;2 ) promote the governance capabili￣ty of the ethnic regional autonomous areas, and so￣lidify the concept of“locality”;3 ) enhance auton￣omous awareness and capability, intensify “new thinking”, motivate initiatives from the autonomous areas, and improve the autonomous system from the bottom-up, and rationally allocate the power and rights of the high-level organs and the auton￣omous organs in the ethnic autonomous areas.     

极端民族主义恐怖犯罪的刑事控制及其评价

After entering the 21st century, ter￣rorist crimes have become more serious. Terrorism has become one of the worst problems of the mod￣ern world and will continue to be a serious problem in the future. China is also facing the challenge of terrorist crime. Can the present criminal system accomplish the mission of legislative control of these crimes and fulfill the goal of penalising them? It seems that a review and evaluation of the rele￣vant criminal legislation and policies is necessary.
There are different definitions of terrorist crimes. American scholars Alex P. Schmid and Albert J. Jongman gave a review of 109 different definitions that appeared during the period from 1936 to 1983 , and proposed their own opinions in the book Political Terrorism. Chinese scholar Hu Lianhe analyzed 50 definitions that appeared after 1982, and proposed his own idea. On January 1 2016 , the third article of the Zhonghua renmin gongheguo fan kongbu zhuyi fa ( Anti -terrorism Law of the P. R. C) formally defines “terrorism”and “terrorist activities”. Generally speaking, both the academic and legal definitions have gener￣alized three characteristics of “terrorist crime”from subjective and objective aspects: 1 ) taking social order, public security, personnel and prop￣erty as the target of the ( terrorist ) behavior; 2 ) hurting the targets described above or threatening the state organs or international organizations by way of violence, destruction or intimidation; 3 ) taking the realization of some certain political or i￣deological purpose and claims as the ultimate goal of the ( terrorist) behavior.
Concerning the relation between extreme na￣tionalism and terrorism, the general idea is that“there is no pure form of nationalism; it is always combined with some certain political or social pow￣er, and characterized with social movement or his￣torical process”. And seeing from the development course of terrorism,“nationalism is one of the most permanent roots of terrorism”, and is also “one of the most powerful roots of terrorism.”
China has mainly experienced five revisions of its law concerning terrorist crimes: 1 ) revising criminal law in 1997 , and including terrorist or￣ganizations into the criminal penalty for the first time ; 2 ) legislating about terrorist crimes in the xingfa xiuzhengan san ( Criminal Law Amendment III) in 2001; 3 ) intensifying the applicability of the criminal law to terrorist crimes in the xingfa xi￣uzhengan ba ( Criminal Law Amendment VIII ) in 2011;4 ) including technical detection measures of crime on terrorist activities in the xingshi susong fa ( Criminal Procedure Law) revised in March 2012, thereby establishing the legal position of this kind of detection measure in criminal procedure; 5 ) substantially adding accusations in the xingfa xi￣uzhengan jiu ( Criminal Law Amendment IX ) re￣vised in 2015 , and strongly fighting against the ter￣rorist crime .
“As one of the social policies, criminal policy is a kind of countermeasure to handle different kinds of crime without delay - this determines that the formulation of criminal policy is bound to social politics and economics in a period of time.”Since the founding of New China, China has made up corresponding criminal policies according to the social needs and criminal status in different eras. In order to maintain a harmonious relationship be￣tween various ethnic groups, and respect the ethnic culture and customs, a criminal policy called “li￣angshao yikuan” (“less arrested, less killed, and punished leniently”) had been carried out con￣cerning the ethnic minority crimes. However, this criminal policy which had played an important role in juridical practice in handling criminal cases of ethnic minorities is unlikely to be a basic criminal policy for the control of extreme nationalist terrorist crimes in the present day. On the new historical stage,“kuanyan xiangji” ( combining punishment with leniency) has become a basic policy for deal￣ing with criminals in China—this policy is based on the inheritance of the rational connotation of the combination of serious and lenient punishment in the criminal policy, and learning the experience or lessons of “seriously fighting” criminal crimes since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy. Doubtlessly, this new criminal policy has a guidance significance in the punishment of all criminal activities, including extreme nationalist terrorist crimes of the present.
A basic evaluation of China’ s criminal legis￣lation on the punishment of extreme nationalist ter￣rorist crimes is:1 ) it has developed from non-ex￣istence to existence; the relevant criminal legisla￣tion is in accord with the developmental direction of domestic terrorist crimes and the anti-terrorism situation;2 ) it has worked in concert with the anti-terrorism strategy of the UN, and performed a state party’ s duty;3) it has an obvious tendency of “severe penalty ”; 4 ) the revision of criminal law has started to be influenced by the risk concept of criminal law.
In summation, China ’ s criminal legislation and criminal policies have a positive significance in controlling the extreme nationalist terrorism crimes. However, there are still some deficiencies of the strategies of controlling crime. Hence, the following issues should be addressed in the subse￣quent legislation: 1 ) Before identifying a kind of behavior as a crime, one should judge whether the duty attached to the new accusation is a kind of ex￣cessive demand on the ordinary people;2 ) The ra￣tionality of the expected goal of criminal legislation cannot guarantee the rationality of a specific sys￣tem, therefore, the lawmakers also need to consid￣er whether the measures for realizing the goal are reasonable. 3) The deserved function of the non-criminal penalty method should be noticed, and it should be developed rationally and harmoniously together with the criminal penalty,thus a solid sys￣tem which can control extreme nationalist terrorist crime should then be constructed. 4) The guaran￣tee of human rights also cannot be ignored in the anti-terrorist legislation and criminal policies.     

西部民族地区生态文明建设问题探析

Ecological civilization is a mode of civilization which is constructed on the concept of multiple-wins, such as economic benefit, social benefit and environmental benefit, etc. It requires that a harmonious relationship between man and nature permeate various aspects of civilization, such as material civilization, spiritual civilization, and political civilization, forming an ecological mode for production, living, consumption, and other behaviors. The theories and practices of eco￣logical civilization both at home and abroad, as well as the strategic planning for the construction of ecological civilization in China, have constituted important theoretical and practical guidelines for the construction of ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas of China.
Constructing ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas has important theoretical and practical significance. Compared with the eastern part of China or the whole country, the level of e￣conomic and social development in the western eth￣nic areas still lags behind; energy consumption is generally high , and the number of national key ecologically functional areas is large. Furthermore, these areas face a daunting task for their environ￣mental protection and energy saving. In addition, the most concentrated areas of desertification in China are found in the western ethnic areas, espe￣cially Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Qing￣hai. Therefore, the construction of ecological civi￣lization in the western ethnic areas has an impor￣tant role for the sustainable development of the e￣conomy and society, ecological security, energy saving and emission reduction, and the prevention of land desertification.
Generally speaking, the western ethnic areas actively participate in the national demonstration areas of the construction of ecological civilization, and constantly improve the level of ecological civi￣lization construction. However, their overall level is low, and the differences between various prov￣inces are considerable. Although the western eth￣nic areas have rich forest resources, tourism re￣sources, etc. for the construction of ecological civ￣ilization, they still face many problems in the use of their ecological resources and the construction of ecological civilization.
As noted above, the western ethnic areas ac￣tively take part in the construction of the key na￣tional ecological civilization demonstration areas. At present, among the 55 ecological civilization demonstration areas of China, 22 are in the west￣ern ethnic areas. These demonstration areas are actively exploring the construction of ecological civilization by taking the property rights of natural resources, ecological compensation and cadres as￣sessment, etc. into consideration.
As just noted, although the level of the con￣struction of an ecological civilization in western ethnic areas has been improving, the overall level is still low. The overall level of ecological civiliza￣tion in western ethnic areas lags significantly be￣hind the nation or eastern regions. In addition, the levels of every province are quite different. For in￣stance, the level of Guangxi and Yunnan is rela￣tively high. Therefore, the construction of ecologi￣cal civilization must be adapted to the local condi￣tions of the provinces.
There are a large number of key forestry en￣terprises in the western ethnic areas, but the struc￣ture of the forestry industry is not equitable. For￣estry is an important force, and provides important content for the construction of ecological civiliza￣tion. On the one hand, there are a large number of key national forestry enterprises in the western eth￣nic areas, but their distribution is not balanced. At present, there are 295 key national forestry en￣terprises , among which 48 are found in the western ethnic areas and are included in the list. Among them, the advantage held by Guangxi and Yunnan’s forest resources are obvious, while those in Tibet, Ningxia and Qinghai are not so obvious. On the other hand, the forestry resources in the western ethnic areas are unevenly distributed, and the structure of the forestry industry is not equita￣ble;the proportion of the primary industry of for￣estry is too high, and the proportion of the second￣ary industry is relatively low. This means that the economic benefits of forestry resources are not fully transformed, something which has seriously affect￣ed the promotion of ecological civilization.
Tourism resources in the western ethnic areas are rich, but the contradiction between tourism de￣velopment and environmental protection is sharp. The tourism industry can effectively improve the level of ecological civilization construction. With rich tourism resources in the western ethnic areas, the tourism industry has become one of the impor￣tant regional pillar industries, especially in Guizhou, Yunnan and Guangxi. However, the conditions of tourism infrastructure and the tourism environment are still relatively backward in western ethnic areas. This is seen especially in the tourist foreign exchange income ratio which is not high. In addition, theunique tourism resources have not strongly attracted more overseas visitors; and, as just said, there are contradictions between regional tourism development and ecological environment protection, which are still very sharp.
The construction of an ecological civilization is a complicated social system project. The con￣struction of an ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas has just started, so we need to in￣tegrate the idea of ecological civilization throughout political, economic, cultural, and social construc￣tion. Furthermore, we need to promote the process of ecological civilization construction according to the local conditions by taking the central authorities’ construction plan of ecological civiliza￣tion as guidance; consider the economic develop￣ment level of each province; and the characteris￣tics of ecological protection and resource environ￣ment in ethnic areas.
First of all, we should change the concept of government at all levels and the entire society in western ethnic areas, and improve the system of ecological civilization construction. For this pur￣pose, we must:( i) strengthen the top-level de￣sign of the ecological civilization system; ( ii) im￣prove relevant systems, such as the development of the national land space; and ( iii ) improve envi￣ronmental protection and ecological compensation in the western ethnic areas and the whole country. Furthermore, through making use of both formal systems, such as political, economic and legal ones, and informal systems, such as ecological culture, we should jointly safeguard and promote the construction of ecological civilization. On the one hand, we must establish and improve various policies related to finance, tax, population and land to improve the level of ecological political civ￣ilization in the western ethnic areas from the level of central government to local administrations. On the other hand, the central government and local administrations in the western ethnic areas must enhance the awareness of the construction of eco￣logical civilization through various ways, including school education and the internet.
Secondly, we should vigorously develop the advantages of the ecological industry in western ethnic areas, such as ecological tourism, ecologi￣cal agriculture and other ecological industries. The construction of ecological civilization should strive to find a balance between ecological environment and stable economic growth. Therefore, according to the characteristics of their ecological environ￣ment, resources, climate and the capacity of the ecological carrying capacity, we should choose ec￣ological industries suitable for regional develop￣ment, such as ecological agriculture, ecological tourism;change the original model of industrial de￣velopment to an ecological mode of production, and improve the level of ecological civilization while protecting the environment.
Thirdly, we should speed up the development of secondary and tertiary industries of forestry in the western ethnic areas, and further optimize the structure of the forestry industry. For this purpose we must further increase forestry investment and construction;and improve the total output value of forestry through afforestation, returning farmland to forest, and coordinating the relationship between the economic forest and ecological forest. Moreo￣ver, we should actively participate in China’s forest food certification and forest certification program;improve the proportion of secondary and tertiary forestry industires; take the initiative to transform the advantage of forestry resources into economic advantages;and improve the level of civilization of the ecological environment.
Finally, it is necessary for the western ethnic areas to continue the practice of constructing an ec￣ological civilization. Though adjustment to local conditions, and actively exploring the practice of ecological civilization construction, we should gradually accumulate experience in the construc￣tion of ecological civilization for the western ethnic areas, and even the whole country. In particular, in Guizhou, Yunnan and Qinghai, we must active￣ly promote the process of regional ecological civili￣zation construction based on the scheme of their own ecological civilization demonstration area pro￣grams. In addition, the western ethnic areas should fully play an important role in informal in￣stitutions, such as national ecological culture.     

“五个发展”理念与民族地区经济社会全面发展研究

Development is the master key for resolving various problems in ethnic areas. During the process of development, we must have correct principles of development. During the “13th Five-Year Plan” period, it was acknowledged that the realization of the goal of building a moderately prosperous society, resolving its challenges, and grasping the advantages of development in ethnic areas must firmly establish and thoroughly conduct the development concepts of innovation, coordina￣tion, green, openness and sharing. This article presents an evaluation framework of the “five de￣velopment” concept, and then evaluates the devel￣opment status of ethnic areas. Based on the results of this evaluation, it proposes approaches for inno￣vation, coordination, green development, open￣ness, and sharing in ethnic areas.
Innovation is the first driving force in guiding development;coordination is the requirement for a sustainable and healthy development; green or“green development” is a necessary condition for sustainable development and important for people’s pursuit of a good life;openness is the only road for a country’s prosperity and development; and sha￣ring is the basic requirement of socialism with Chi￣nese characteristics. This paper analyzes the status of innovation in ethnic areas from the innovations of products, technology, markets and systems, etc. And, it discovers that the general level of innova￣tion in the eight ethnic provinces and districts of China ( Inner Mongolia, Guangxi, Tibet, Ningxia, Xinjiang, Guizhou, Yunnan and Qinghai) is low, and that the development of innovation is unbal￣anced. Compared with the national average, devel￣opment in these areas lags far behind. For the pur￣pose of maintaining constant economic growth in the ethnic areas, and chasing after the level of de￣veloped areas, the input in innovation must be in￣creased, and the structure of innovation must be further optimized so that innovation becomes an im￣portant driving force in economic development. Realizing innovative development in ethnic areas must depend on the effort of constructing its own learning ability. Laborers should get good educa￣tion, good infrastructure should be built, and good innovation environmental programs should be crea￣ted with the investment of the government.
Realization of harmonious regional develop￣ment is the basic purpose of China’s regional devel￣opment strategy. Understanding this from the angle of economics, the concept of coordination at least should include coordination among three elements, i. e. time, departments and space. The concept of coordination for development should be realized through market mechanisms in the competitive en￣vironment, or through the rational intervention of the government. The concept of coordination for development discussed here mainly refers to the development of coordination of different regions and of urban and rural areas. Seeing from the perspec￣tive of harmonious regional development, the de￣velopment in the eight ethnic provinces and dis￣tricts is actually imbalanced. In addition, urban-rural relationship is another important aspect of re￣gional coordination development. The imbalanced development between urban and rural areas in Chi￣na is not only reflected in income, but is even more reflected in basic public services. The ap￣proaches for realizing the development of regional coordination in ethnic areas should 1 ) be com￣bined with an economic support belt, and impor￣tant lines of communication;2 ) guide the popula￣tion and economic activities to move to important regions for development;and 3 ) take a path of in￣clusive and green urbanization.
Green development is a basic element for sus￣tainable development. The purpose of green devel￣opment is to get solid growth, and avoid unsustain￣able models. Green development will make the re￣sources efficient, clean and resilient in the process of development. Green development requires con￣sidering the environmental capacity or resource carrying capacity while pushing economic develop￣ment. There are three factors in green growth, that it be: efficient, clean and resilient. Green devel￣opment in ethnic areas is decided by its ecological location. Generally speaking, compared with the national level, both the efficiency of resource usage and carbon emission in ethnic areas is low; and environmental resilience is very different in various areas. Increasing the resource usage rate and re￣ducing carbon emission are the main approaches for realizing green development in ethnic areas. The rich natural resources in ethnic areas are only a potential advantage, and not an economic advan￣tage in reality. For the purpose of turning rich nat￣ural resources into an economic advantage, and u￣sing them to promote the regional economic devel￣opment, one should depend on the property rights structure of natural resources, regional conditions of the area, the exploitation cost, the local tech￣niques for transforming natural resources, and the market conditions. We should strive to develop green ecological economics, and realize the“Three-Wins” in growth, poverty alleviation, and ecolo￣gy. According to the ecological advantages of the ethnic areas, as well as their ecological position in the whole country, we should rapidly develop green ecological industries ( eco-agriculture, eco-tourism, eco -industry ) , and make ecological economics become the important source for increas￣ing the income of the poor population. This should be done by taking the rare ecological resources as the base, the market needs as guidance, the mod￣ern business model as the carrier, and social cap￣ital as the driving force. Moreover, we should make plans for green development , make clear its goals and steps, and implement the Green Industry Approach. We should enhance ecological construc￣tion and protection; and initiate new progress in ecological civilization and poverty alleviation.
Openness or opening up is an inevitable course for the prosperity and development of a country or a district. Openness in ethnic areas in￣cludes both external and internal openness. Exter￣nal openness is opening up to other countries or districts, and internal openness is opening up to other areas within China. It could be noticed that external openness in the eight provinces and dis￣tricts of ethnic areas in China is imbalanced. So, we should integrate it with the construction strategy of the “One Belt and One Road” program, and construct a new external opening up framework in an all-round way. Ethnic areas are core areas of and an important foundation for constructing of the Silk Road economic belt, and the 21st -century Maritime Silk Road. The ethnic areas should im￣plement more actively the strategy of openness, and improve the strategic framework of opening up externally, construct new, open economic systems, expand new, open economic spaces so as to build the ethnic areas into important bridgeheads and create vital border economic belts opened to the west, north, and south of China.
Sharing the results of development by various ethnic groups, and realizing a common prosperity are the requirements of socialism. The nature of sharing development is inclusive, fair and benefi￣cial. It further clarifies the keynotes of the rela￣tionship between development and the people, and re-emphasizes that improving the benefits of the people, promoting the people’s development in all-round ways are starting points and goals of de￣velopment. Poverty alleviation is the key in sharing development in the ethnic areas. The Central Pov￣erty Alleviation and Development Work Conference proposed that “ the goal of poverty alleviation dur￣ing ‘the 13 th Five-Year Plan’ is to win the battle against poverty, which includes ensuring food, clothing, compulsory education, basic medical service and housing security for the poor by 2020.” Furthermore,“precise poverty alleviation”is the basic strategy for fulfilling this goal. The foundation of “precise poverty alleviation” is to i￣dentify poverty precisely, and to judge whether it belongs to income poverty or poverty by chance. Speaking from policy choice, we need to strength￣en the self-development capability of poor popu￣lations; speaking from project choice, we should evaluate whether it is pro -poor or pro -growth;speaking from industrial development, we should consider both the market choice and governmental support;and, speaking from spacial layout, a con￣cept of sharing in development should be realized within centralized equalization.     

西部民族地区旅游生态补偿政策实施的实践探索

The ethnic regions of Western Chi￣na are rich in ecological and cultural tourism re￣sources. At the same time, the regions are also ec￣ologically vulnerable areas with large populations of ethnic groups who have lived for a long time in poverty. Based on years’ investigation, it is obvi￣ous that tourism development, even though it can promote local economic development, has had a significant negative impact on the ecology, envi￣ronment and local communities. During the 18 th and 17 th National Congresses of the Communist Pary of China, a policy was announced to improve ecological compensation and accelerate the estab￣lishment of an ecological compensation mecha￣nism. So far, both government and academia have mainly focused on the effects and necessities of building a mechanism for ecological compensation. Of special concern, even if governments at all lev￣els sequentially enacted a series of policie with cer￣tain characteristics of ecological compensation, the public is still questioning the impartiality and legit￣imacy of the charges of such policy of ecological compensation. Thus, the task of implementing the ecological compensation policy faces many obsta￣cles. At present, the core research issue on eco￣logical compensation is no longer just the question of why it should be charged. This question was al￣ready clearly stated in official documents from cen￣tral government. Up to now, the core issues that need clarification are:in practice, how the charge be made; what amount of money should be charged;how will the revenue from the charge be used;how will the revenue derived from the charge be audited; and whether or not this charge can help to achieve government objectives in such a way.
Based on the unique background of the ethnic regions of Western China, this paper deeply analy￣ses issues of implementing policies such as ecologi￣cal compensation for tourism, including the illegi￣bility and legitimacy of who should pay, how much should be paid, and how to manage the funds im￣partially; and providing scientific and reasonable countermeasures to solve these practical problems. Compared with other industries, the tourism indus￣try became the pioneer for the practice of ecologi￣cal compensation as well as the research objective of ecological compensation studies. Some research￣ers defined ecological compensation for tourism as a system of regulating related ecological interests to protect the ecosystems of tourism destinations and promote sustainable development of the tourism in￣dustry ( Zhang Yiqun, Yang Guihua, 2012 ) . Al￣though such a definition is still fuzzy, at least it in￣dicates that the research of ecological compensation for tourism involves interdisciplinary fields inclu￣ding Economics, Sociology, Ecology and Tourism, etc. Currently, the research of ecological compen￣sation for tourism has insufficient first hand empiri￣cal research data. At the same time it has not yet had nationwide impact, either domestically or over￣seas. The research on implementing policies for the ecological compensation of tourism is at an early stage in China.
Obviously, it is hard to find sufficient re￣search results or research methods for reference, which brings certain limitations to this paper. To demonstrate the scope of this study, this paper de￣fined tourism ecological compensation as exploring the feasibility of spending fiscal revenue ( paid by tourism enterprises, tourists or other stakeholders) on protecting natural ecological environment. Based on this definition, this paper generated three actual issues with regard to implementing policies of ecological compensation for tourism, including the vagueness of the charge, the lack of unified, standard levies, and the non-tranparency of fund management. Combined with analyzing the current special background of implementing policies of ec￣ological compensation for tourism in the ethnic re￣gions of Western China, and by especially empha￣sizing the local communities of the ethnic groups who should be compensated, this paper tries to provide scientific and reasonable countermeasures consisting of implementing corresponding national policy, formulating correlated policy in accordance with local conditions and standardizing and institu￣tionalizing fund management. This paper not only attempts to support strongly implementing policies of ecological compensation for tourism at the insti￣tutional level, but also to coordinate the contradic￣tions between tourism development and ecological protection, and local community self - develop￣ment, hoping to achieve the win-win objectives of promoting an ecological compensation policy for tourism, tourism poverty alleviation and ecological civilization.