甘南藏族自治州合作市回藏和谐民族关系研究

甘南藏族自治州（以下简称甘南州）是我国少数民族聚居地区之一,州府所在地合作市是一个多民族杂居共处、多文化交融碰撞、民族关系较为敏感的地区。回族和藏族是该地区人口数量最多的两个少数民族,长期以来,居住在这里的回、藏民族长期互动交融、和谐共处、共同发展。分析回藏关系和谐发展的现状及面临的挑战,探讨促进回藏民族关系协调发展的对策、措施,对该地区的稳定与和谐社会建设具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

甘南藏族自治州合作市回藏和谐民族关系研究

甘南藏族自治州(以下简称甘南州)是我国少数民族聚居地区之一,州府所在地合作市是一个多民族杂居共处、多文化交融碰撞、民族关系较为敏感的地区。回族和藏族是该地区人口数量最多的两个少数民族,长期以来,居住在这里的回、藏民族长期互动交融、和谐共处、共同发展。分析回藏关系和谐发展的现状及面临的挑战,探讨促进回藏民族关系协调发展的对策、措施,对该地区的稳定与和谐社会建设具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

藏彝民族走廊与茶马古道

我国民族学界提出的藏彝民族走廊,大体包括北自甘肃南部、青海东部,向南经过四川西部、西藏东部、云南西部以及缅甸北部、印度东北部这一狭长地带。①从古至今,藏彝民族走廊主要是汉藏语系藏缅语族活动的舞台,尤其是西藏、四川和云南三省区毗邻区域,古代氏羌族群自北向南的迁徙与这一区域藏缅语族各民族的形成之间存在着极为密切的关系。比如在云南25个少数民族中,有13个属于藏缅语族,至今仍大多居住在与西藏、四1收p近的西北部地区。近几十年来,诸多学者对藏彝民族走廊进行了多方面的研究。关于条马古道,我在《滇藏茶马古道论略》…     

先取西南诸蕃,后图天下——蒙古对藏彝走廊的军事征服

在13世纪的南下军事扩展中,蒙古统治者提出了"先取西南诸蕃,后图天下"的战略思想,即绕道中原侧翼,进攻金、南宋.从成吉思汗时代开始,蒙古就不断对藏彝走廊地区用兵,最终以忽必烈穿越藏彝走廊远征大理而达到高峰.通过长达30余年的用兵,蒙古基本实现对藏彝走廊的军事征服,并有力地配合了蒙古对金、南宋的战争以及对卫藏地区的征服与统治.这一军事征服无论是对藏彝走廊本身的历史发展,还是对蒙(元)统一事业的完成以及对多元一体的中华民族的形成,都具有相当重要的影响.     

高志英的《藏彝走廊西部边缘民族关系与民族文化变迁研究》出版

作为民族历史—地理概念,"藏彝走廊"是1980年前后费孝通在经过多年对以往民族史和民族学研究进行总结和反思之后提出来的。该研究著述所涉区域处于费孝通所指"藏彝走廊"的中南段,其地理行政区域在当下属滇西北三州一市地区。作者通过对藏彝走廊中南段的滇西北民族(族群)开展历时和共时的历史人类学研究,努力向     

傈僳族的跨国迁徙与藏彝走廊空间拓展述论

傈僳族的历史是一部迁徙史,并在不同时代呈现出其迁徙动因、路径、规模与影响的历时性与共时性异同。将民国以前傈僳族迁徙史与藏彝走廊空间拓展联系起来考量,可以深入与细化藏彝走廊的民族迁徙历史与族际关系研究,并反思以往藏彝走廊研究中空间固化或裹足于境内研究之不足。     

藏羌彝走廊的研究路径

由于费孝通在20世纪80年代的多次强调,"藏彝走廊"问题开始被学者们所关注,学者们开始了大量的实际的调查、研究。然而"藏彝走廊"的概念中缺失了本应该包含在内的羌族历史文化的强调,羌族历史文化的强调对于走廊的历史及现状的理解应该具有不可替代的积极意义,近年来的羌语支((Qiangic或Kiangic))研究足以说明这一问题。为弥补这一明显缺陷,本文首先由历史及现状出发,强调古羌在民族走廊中的历史作用,进而提出民族走廊的正确命名应该为"藏羌彝走廊"的观点。在此基础上,梳理"藏羌彝走廊"研究的历史及现在的研究路径,并指出跨学科的综合性研究才是"藏羌彝走廊"研究的有效方法。     

先取西南诸蓄,后图天下——蒙古对藏彝走廊的军事征服

在13世纪的南下军事扩展中,蒙古统治者提出了“先取西南诸蕃,后图天下”的战略思想,即绕道中原侧翼,进攻金、南宋。从成吉思汗时代开始,蒙古就不断对藏彝走廊地区用兵,最终以忽必烈穿越藏彝走廊远征大理而达到高峰。通过长达30余年的用兵,蒙古基本实现对藏彝走廊的军事征服,并有力地配合了蒙古对金、南宋的战争以及对卫藏地区的征服与统治。这一军事征服无论是对藏彝走廊本身的历史发展,还是对蒙(元)统一事业的完成以及对多元一体的中华民族的形成,都具有相当重要的影响。     

藏彝走廊中藏文化的影响与辐射

在文化分区的基础上,以宗教信仰为切入点,横向比较了藏文化在藏彝走廊各文化分区的具体表现和影响,并分析其影响藏彝走廊民族与文化格局的主要特点,指出藏文化在藏彝走廊具有跨民族或族群,乃至跨语支传播的总体趋向,存在着层次性和区域性的差异。不同民族或族群在将藏传佛教因素有机地融入本土宗教信仰中的同时,仍从宗教职业者构成、本土语言和宗教观念等层面坚守本土的宗教信仰。     

再论民族走廊:兼谈“巫山-武陵走廊”

讨论了费孝通的民族走廊理论,并与李绍明的民族走廊及藏彝走廊见解进行商榷。在此基础上,提出民族走廊的观点,认为民族走廊是中国古代农耕文明中心圈层结构的特殊表现形式,它的特性决定于古代农业文明中心的形成与发展,民族走廊概念是一个历史范畴,它的时空界限由其性质所决定,民族走廊是建立中国自己的民族学理论的一块基石。     

藏彝走廊回藏民族的源流、分布述论

The Hui and Tibetans, who are found in the Tibetan-Yi corridor, are the most nu-merous and widely distributed ethnic groups in China. They both have unique cultures and reli-gions, and are very influential ethnic groups. Ac-cording to the 2010 demographic census, the pop-ulation of Tibetans in China is 6 ,282 ,187 . Most of them live in the Tibet Autonomous Region while others live in ten other Tibetan autonomous prefec-tures and counties, for example in Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai, Tianzhu Tibet-an Autonomous County in Gansu and Muli Tibetan Autonomous County in Sichuan, etc. The popula-tion of the Hui is 10 ,586 ,087 , and they are dis-tributed in various provinces, prefectures, cities and counties in China.     

蒙藏关系下的文化变迁和民族认同——以青海省河南蒙古族为例

青海省河南蒙古族与藏族交错而居,两个民族长期相互接触,由于族体规模上的差异和自然条件的原因,在文化传播中主要表现为蒙古族对藏族文化的采借和适应,以致从外部特征似难将当地蒙古族从藏族中分辨出来。但细加考察,蒙古族的客观认同和主观心理归属感仍然清晰可见。在融洽的民族关系中,蒙藏之间仍然保持着融而未合、和而未同的特点。     

羌族宗教信仰与藏文化的关系考察研究

岷江上游羌族宗教信仰是多元混杂的,导致这种现象的产生,既有历史的因素,又有现实的因素.历史的因素可追溯到古羌人时代,从那里我们可寻羌族宗教信仰之渊源的一些踪迹;现实的因素可从羌族地处藏彝走廊,受汉藏文化影响的现状中去采撷一些实际的表现.本文拟就羌族原始宗教信仰中的藏文化因子,羌族天神信仰与藏族民间宗教信仰的渊源,羌族和藏族有关人类起源传说的相似与区分,羌族原始宗教信仰与佛教文化的糅合等方面对羌族宗教信仰与藏文化的关系作一较为深入的考察分析.     

多康藏区藏族源流考释

多康藏区藏族是藏族最为主要的组成部分,其形成发展过程一直与卫藏地区藏族有着极为密切的关系。从考古发现和早期文献记载来看,远古时期的多康藏人与汉文史籍所载之“羌”人关系密切,藏文史书中的“董氏人”与氐羌系统人群应属同一部落群体。董氏人的部落群体从雅隆河谷一带向北、向东、向南移动和迁徙,又通过一系列分化和整合,最终形成这一特定区域的特殊族群,在不同文种以不同名称载入史册。     

现代化背景下的民族认同与民族关系--以海南三亚凤凰镇回族为例

在现代化进程中,各民族的政治、经济、社会和文化等都处于急剧变迁之中.在这样的背景下,海南省三亚市凤凰镇回族社区的民族认同和民族关系也呈现出一些新的情况,例如民族意识趋于强烈并带有市场经济的一些特点.而市场经济的发展也促进了民族间的相互理解与合作,政府的积极引导更是促进了民族关系的和谐发展.凤凰镇回族对异族通婚的普遍接受就是民族关系和谐发展的一个突出表现.     

云南回族马帮的组织与分布

马帮是一个集货物运输与商业贸易为一体的商旅组织 ,肇始于古代云南边疆地区 ,流行于云南三迤各族群及毗邻的东南亚泰、缅、老、越各山地民族社会 ,以及中国西南的川、黔、桂、藏和印度、尼泊尔等的广阔区域里。云南有回、汉、白、彝、藏等 5个族群从事马帮营运活动 ,但以回族马帮规模最大、历史最久。本文依据田野调查资料 ,对云南回族马帮的组织结构、地区分布、通商道路、营运货物等 ,作了系统论述     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

从群体遗传的DNA线索看东乡族族源问题

DNA分析技术的发展为进行民族识别和分析民族起源、迁徙、流动、融合提供了新手段。本文在国内外首次应用D13S317基因座第 11号等位基因频率指标 ,计算了东乡族群体遗传动态数据。结果发现 ,东乡族和回族遗传距离很近 ,且东乡族中具有白种人血缘混杂。结合其他有关资料 ,我们认为东乡族的起源与元代蒙古军带来的中亚工匠、签军有关 ,亦与当地蒙古族、回族、藏族人群的融合有关。本文的研究结果可以为民族研究提供群体遗传方面的线索     

论清末民初宪政中民族观的变化

在清末民初的宪政活动中,统治阶级的民族观发生了很大变化:从古代统治阶级对少数民族不平等的统治策略发展到提倡消除民族之间的界线,在宪法中开始体现民族平等思想,后又发展到“五族共和”,这是我国法律思想由古代向近现代转型的一个重要方面。     

论清代“环湖八族”形成的历史背景

公元16世纪上半叶,大批蒙古族靠武力占据了环青海湖地区的肥沃牧场,而世居当地的藏族各部落被迫渡黄河南迁.19世纪中叶,藏族抓住青海蒙古族日趋衰落、鸦片战争及太平天国起义导致满清政府无暇顾及青海的有利契机,率众北渡黄河,从而形成了青海今天的蒙藏民族分布格局.本文结合汉藏史书文献,探计了"环湖八族"形成的历史背景.