政党政治视角下的政党与国家权力--兼及中国共产党领导的多党合作制度

政党政治具有重要的功能意义和价值意义.政党政治的核心问题是政党与国家权力的问题.沿着这一脉络,资本主义政党政治和社会主义政党政治呈现出截然不同的发展轨迹.中国共产党领导的多党合作制度是新型的适应我国国情的政党制度,它建构了我国政党与国家权力的基本法理关系,保障了全体人民的利益,具有鲜明的特点和巨大的优势.     

社区党建功能的实现路径

社区党建功能的实现主要依靠思想文化、资源整合、社会服务三个路径。充分利用思想文化资源,要加强党对社区的领导,发挥社区党组织的政治优势,发挥党员的先锋模范作用,引领社会主义文化在社区的大发展。加强社区资源整合,要有效整合政治、组织和文化资源,正确处理各种关系,通过强有力的社会动员和组织协调,发挥社区党建的组织优势。加强社区服务,要增强服务意识,树立服务理念,从现实情况出发,建立健全社区服务体系,积极探索社区服务方式,形成完善的社区服务制度规范。     

执政党对私营企业的统合策略及其效应分析:基于中国私营企业调查数据的实证研究

自改革开放以来,中国社会呈现政党国家与社会渐次分离的状况,集中体现在执政党权力范围的收缩和以私营企业为代表的社会新兴力量的成长与集聚。首先,本文通过理论阐述和案例分析发现,执政党与私营企业之间并非单向的吸纳与嵌入,更多表现为一种相互融入的共生关系。其次,基于对第九次全国私营企业家调查数据的分析进一步发现,在所辖企业中设立了党组织且自身具有党员身份的私营企业主对于执政党相关政策的认可度更高,同时也更加偏好生产性活动和长期导向活动的投入。结论表明,中国共产党通过自下而上的政治吸纳型和自上而下的组织嵌入型统合这两种分散政治压力的有效途径,在一定程度上实现了对私营企业的分类控制,在巩固执政合法性的同时,成功引导私营企业承担社会功能。     

西方国家政党与议会立法的运行机制分析

西方国家政党与议会立法的运行机制包括两个方面：一方面,是政党对议会立法的影响或控制。首先,通过政党组织———议会党团实现对议会的影响或控制,议会党团是政党影响或控制立法机关的组织形式。其次,充分发挥政党领袖和督导员的作用,他们往往通过职权、威望影响本党党员的投票行为。另一方面,是议会对政党的监督和制约。根据监督路径的不同,可以分为直接监督和间接监督。     

State Parties in the 2000 Senate Elections*

Objective. This article examines state party activity in support of U.S. Senate candidates during the 2000 election. The literature on the service role of parties suggests that national parties will be active in support of candidates, while state parties will be inclined to provide mobilization services. However, state parties are also in a good position to provide campaign contributions and technical services usually supplied by national party organizations. Methods. Focusing on the 2000 elections, I use campaign finance data from the Federal Election Commission as well as original data derived from a survey of the state parties to investigate the relationship between state parties and U.S. Senate candidates. Results. The results indicate not only that state parties were remarkably active in support of U.S. Senate candidates, but also that Republican state parties appeared to better target their support to more deserving candidates than did Democratic state parties. Closer scrutiny, however, reveals that the Democrats, by using state party organizations as the conduit of coordinated expenditures, were more successful in providing resources to candidates who would win. Conclusions. Although much of the activity of state party organizations is explained by money transfers from national party organizations, it is the transfer of hard money that accounts for state party activity in U.S. Senate campaigns. This brings into question the impact of recent campaign finance reforms on the relationship between state parties and U.S. Senate candidates.     

中国特色社会主义政党制度的创造性价值研究

中国特色社会主义政党制度是符合中国国情的社会主义政党制度,是马克思主义基本原理同中国国情相结合的产物。中国共产党与各民主党派共同创立的这一政党制度的创造性价值在于,它开创了中国式协商民主的新局面,开创了新型政党关系学说,具有西方政党制度无可比拟的优势。     

修身、成圣与革命：五四时期道德主义者的激进化

五四运动后“救亡”与“启蒙”、“政治”与“文化”的交织与竞逐是我们理解中国近代史的一条线索。既有研究多将恽代英呈现为一个具有道德主义色彩和儒家伦理底蕴的五四知识分子，然而顺着这一思路，我们却难以理解他为何从温和的道德结社转向革命。本文认为，恽代英精神世界中的心学底色，以及他对青年会社会服务经验的借鉴，使他形成了与共产主义者相通的道德认知；道德结社的困境则促使他走向政党运动，以群众运动实践自己的道德理想。恽代英的早期经历为我们呈现了过渡时代具有儒学底蕴的知识分子面对现代政治秩序时的道德困惑，这有助于我们理解中国共产主义革命对德性的强调以及儒家中国的现代转化。     

Occupational differences and the division of labor in political party activities

Robert Dahl (1961) clearly identifies a division of labor within political associations that allows the organization to perform its functions in a “reliable” and “skillful” manner. According to Dahl, the division of labor is facilitated by an occupational based recruitment of party “leaders” and “subleaders”. This article examines such a division of labor in political parties activities at both the grassroots and convention levels. We find strong evidence for a division of labor in party activities at both levels. However, our findings provide only tenuous evidence for occupation based differences among those participating in these two distinct types of party activities.     

Building a movement from scratch: environmental groups in the Czech Republic

The Czech Republic’s transition from communist authoritarianism to parliamentary democracy offers a useful case study of the relationship between environmentalism and democracy. More specifically, this study explores the dynamics of environmental group organization in the Czech Republic from 1989 to the present as a way to reflect upon political scientist Robert Paehlke’s contention that the pluralist democracy enhances the environmental movement and vice versa (1989; 1990; 1998). What is found is that while environmental mobilization and organization did indeed increase in the post-1989 democratic era, the movement still has some serious weaknesses and has suffered from abrupt shifts in public support. Thus, while Paehlke’s thesis is essentially supported by the Czech case, we can also see that it certainly takes much more than the mere existence of a democratic context for a vibrant and influential environmental movement to form and maintain itself. Using the U.S. environmental movement for comparative purposes, this study finds that although some important strides have been made, structural, procedural, economic and sociocultural factors have all played key roles in limiting the success of Czech environmental groups.     

A Tale of Two Seasons: Participation and Medal Counts at the Summer and Winter Olympic Games*

Objectives. This article examines all postwar Summer and Winter Olympic Games in order to investigate the economic and political determinants of participation and medal‐winning success. Methods. Using newly compiled data, regression analysis gives intuitive results with surprisingly accurate predictions beyond the historical sample. We also estimate the rise in income per capita required to send an extra participant, and the “cost” in GDP per capita of an extra medal. Results. Compared to the Summer Games, Winter participation levels are driven more by income and less by population, have less host nation bias, and a greater effect of climate. Single‐party and communist regimes win more medals in both seasons. Conclusion. Although their effects differ with the season of the Games, socioeconomic variables explain Olympic participation and success remarkably well.     

Party Politics in Socialist Countries: One Hundred Years of Exploration

Over the long history of political civilization, the 100 years of the party politics of socialist countries has emerged as a new form of politics. Exploration of the last 100 years of the party politics of socialist countries deals with the self-governance and national governance of Marxist ruling parties. It reflects intraparty relationships, interparty relationships, relationships between party and government and relationships between party and society, as well as foreign relations, and spans three historical periods, comprising the first establishment of party politics in Soviet Russia; the adoption of party rule in other countries, with concomitant setbacks; and the achievement by China, Vietnam and other countries of party political innovation and development. A review of the experience of the past hundred years shows that success in making party politics the basic system in socialist countries and in tapping its full potential is attributable to the efforts made by Marxist ruling parties to undertake fruitful theoretical reflection and grasp values, adhere to the truth and correct mistakes on the basis of exceptional strategic confidence and policy commitment, while constantly opening up new stages of theoretical understanding and practical development. The party politics of socialist countries in the 21st century drives their modernization and cultivates and improves their practice. The union of the two in the magnificent historical process of the sustainable development of socialist institutional civilization will have major and far-reaching significance for building a brighter future for humanity.     

中共早期地方领袖、组织形态与乡村社会：以曾天宇及其领导的江西万安暴动为中

中共在建党初期就移植了俄共（布）的民主集中制作为自身的组织制度。这一制度在中国革命的实践中经历了艰难的调适过程。１９２７ 年大革命失败后,中共准备在乡村组织暴动时,组织原则和组织能力就面临着严峻的挑战。组织江西万安暴动的领袖曾天宇,代表了中共早期地方领袖的一种类型,其领导的万安暴动所暴露出的党内组织矛盾也具有一定的典型性。本文将中共党史、社会史以及民国政治史结合在一起,综合运用文件档案、组织史资料、忆述材料、地方史志、报刊等诸多史料,通过对曾天宇的生活史与精神气质的勾勒以及对万安暴动背景与过程的考察,揭示出中共早期组织形态中存在的三重张力：职位关系与个人因素之间的张力;组织纪律的有效性与地方领袖的自主性之间的张力;革命组织与传统资源及地方利益之间的张力。这些张力为同时期的一系列中共党内组织事件提供了解读的逻辑。     

西方国家政党与宪政关系探析

从近代西方的立宪史来看,政党曾被作为派系斗争的工具或纯粹的市民社会组织,而为立宪实践所敌视或漠视。随着政党国家现象和政党异化现象的出现,通过立法实践和司法实践将政党纳入宪政体制之中遂成为现代西方立宪实践的潮流。从政党与宪政的逻辑关系来看,现代西方国家普遍认为政党不仅是基于公民自由结社的市民社会组织,更因其组织的准国家机构特性和党权的准公共权力性质而在宪政体制中发挥着不同于一般市民组织的宪政功能,理应获得"宪法机构"之公法地位,成为宪政规范的对象。     

Party and Personal Preference in Post‐Soviet Legislatures*

Objective. Initial studies of post‐Soviet legislative behavior have concluded that parties can affect legislative behavior; however, the methods used by these studies failed to distinguish between the effects of party and personal preferences. Evidence of party effects would be surprising given not only the perceived weaknesses of post‐Soviet political parties, but also the debate on the existence of party effects in the U.S. Congress literature. Methods. The data are electronically recorded roll‐call data from both the Ukrainian Rada and Russian Duma. I employ an OLS residualization technique to construct deputy preference measures. Then, I use multivariate analysis (tobit) to measure the impact of deputy preference and partisanship on support for government legislation. Results. In both the Rada and Duma, party and personal preferences impacted deputy voting behavior. Conclusion. Parties are an important determinant of legislative behavior, even in weak party systems of post‐Soviet Ukraine and Russia.     

Social Workers who Move into Private Practice: The Impact of the Socio-economic Context

Summary This paper is based on a doctoral research project, conductedin New Zealand between 1993 and 1999, that considered factorsin the movement of social workers into private practice (vanHeugten, 1999). The study employed a qualitative methodologyin which 33 private practitioners were interviewed using semi-structuredquestionnaires. All respondents had at least a first professionalqualification in social work. The research grew from a realizationthat there had been an upsurge in private practice since themid-1980s, during a time of increasingly right wing governmentpolicies, and free market philosophies. These policies and philosophiesled to a radical restructuring of government and not-for-profitorganizations that employed social workers. Some workers respondedto the changes by seeking alternatives to organizational employment.Concurrently opportunities for private practice were createdby the availability of third party payments for counsellingof survivors of sexual abuse and parties to marital disputes.A similar pattern of confluence of expanding social work privatepractice and free market ideology has been noted in countriessuch as Great Britain and Australia. The implications of thismovement into private practice are considered in relation toprofessional social work associations.     

Listen to What I Say,Not How I Vote: Congressional Support for the President in Washington and at Home*

Objectives. Are legislators' party affiliations or is district partisanship the greatest predictor of legislative support of the president? Do members of the U.S. House emphasize different policy positions when casting roll calls than when communicating their positions to constituents? We theorize that party is less important in legislators' district‐oriented behavior than in roll‐call voting. When casting roll calls, legislators are agents facing multiple principals, namely, political party leaders and their district constituencies. When engaging in district‐oriented behavior, the only key principal is the legislator's constituency. Methods. We analyze legislators' positions on roll calls and in platforms. Platforms are examined with a unique data set of franked mass mailings sent by House members. Linear and limited dependent variable models are employed. Results. Our findings show that constituency preferences are a more consistent predictor of legislative support for the president when analyzing legislators' platforms, and that political party has a relatively limited effect. When analyzing roll‐call votes, party is the key predictor. Conclusions. Political parties may be interested in what legislators do as opposed to what they say. The platform findings are in contrast to most recent empirical work examining position taking, though consistent with the canonical works of Mayhew and Fenno. This has implications for theories of parties in Congress that tie party behavior in the legislature to partisanship in the electorate.     

Interest group influence on the ideological orientations of local party activists

This paper uses a national survey of local Democratic and Republican Party officials to determine the extent to which interest group attempts to develop a formal organizational presence within the grassroots Democratic and Republican parties might push the parties towards taking more ideologically extreme positions. It is hypothesized that members of predominantly Democratic and Republican groups will be more ideologically extreme than other local party officials. The survey results provide support for the hypothesis. Group-influenced party activists tend to be more ideologically extreme than other party officials. However, while a large percentage of Democratic and Republican local party officials are members of interest groups, only a relatively small percentage reported being recruited to party activism through their group involvement. The survey provides little support for the thesis that interest groups have systematically tried to “take over” grassroots party organizations.     

工业遗产与地缘政治中的“东北接收”（1945—1948年）——对国共两党组织体制的比较分析

本文从国共两党对战后东北接收方案的比较入手，通过考察双方对区域工业遗产作出回应的具体策略及过程，揭示两党在接收中的不同组织困境以及各自的克服之策。复员和动员分别是国共两党在各自区域内的基本组织逻辑，而“条”“块”间的冲突与“统”“分”间的张力则是二者分别面对的结构性困难。在美苏对抗的地缘政治格局下，国民党坚守城市和铁路线，以技术官僚为主体的接收要员发挥空间受限；中共虽退居农村开展土地改革，但能接续既往的根据地建设经验，并促发军政和财经干部在组织上的创新。对东北的接收方案的差异既是两党利用组织原则应对地缘政治和区域制度遗产的体现，更折射出各自建国方略上的差别。从组织体制上来说，东北的接收恰恰是中国国家建设在20世纪中叶的转折点，其所激发出的政党在组织上的创制提供了由战时走向建政的组织上的转化机制。     

特派员制度与中共早期工人运动:以安源工运史为中心(1921-1925)

以往对中国共产党领导的工人运动的研究，多偏重阶级斗争的革命话语视角，而较少从组织社会学的角度来探究中共领导工人运动的组织形态问题。本文以早期安源工运为考察对象，重点分析并比较特派员李立三和刘少奇二人的工作效果，以此来探究中共早期采用特派员制度领导工人运动的组织形态。本文认为，李立三利用个人资源开创了安源工运，而作为继任者的刘少奇则未能维系安源工运，表明中共采用的派遣特派员的组织制度的运作效果是引发安源工运兴衰的重要原因。特派员实际的工作效果，既与其个人的地方资源有关，也与其在党内的位置密切相关。对中共早期特派员制度的具体分析，不仅有助于我们揭示中共早期发动工人运动的组织方式问题，还有助于我们理解中共早期组织形态的发育和演化。     

Economic decline and voter discontent

Standard economic voting research is too narrowly focused on how economic changes affect the popularity of the governing incumbents, especially with respect to the mainstream opposition party. This approach cannot easily interpret voting behavior as an expression of system wide support. The article seeks to fill this void by using the case of Canada to analyze how long-term economic decline affects election behavior. In particular, the relative success of non-mainstream parties in recent Canadian elections is shown to be connected, at least in part, to long-term economic decline. This is particularly true of those who have borne the brunt of the economic restructuring that has taken place since the 1970s, namely, working-class individuals who lack post-secondary education. Although economic conditions of this group have always been precarious, it has suffered greater economic decline compared to others. This widening gap has led to more negative attitudes towards the political system, which in turn has increasingly led voters from this group to abandon Canada's two mainstream parties, the Liberal and Progressive Conservative, in favor of non-mainstream parties. Analysis is based on a pooled dataset that integrates economic and election survey data from the 1970s to the 1990s.