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1.
由于地方主义、地区自治主义和教派主义的日益兴起,当今一些南亚国家在民族融合问题上正遇到麻烦。斯里兰卡的种族冲突后不久,以地区自治主义和地方主义为基础的骚乱开始影响到印度的旁遮普以及克什米尔。尼泊尔也受到影响,只是尚未发生暴乱而已,原因之一是数量巨大的印度侨民的存在以及他们感到自己受到了不公平的对待。同样,印度的许多尼泊尔侨民似乎也或多或少有同样心理。虽然两个国家都在为实现现代化而努力,但这些处于社会下层社区人的漠然态度,使国家一体化的目标难于实现。不能否认,在印度,比较开  相似文献   

2.
处于人们注意中心的印度人类学我们应邀著文阐述南亚社会文化人类学的状况,但由于各种原因我们打算只谈印度的情况。就我们所知,阿富汗、巴基斯坦、尼泊尔和孟加拉都没有把人类学作为一门独立的学科,这些国家虽然也有一些人类学者,但他们基本上都不在研究人类学的机构里工作。斯里兰卡有几位著名的人类学家,但他们都在国外为别国服务。印度的情况则不然,一百多年以来,学术团体和非学术机构都承认人类学的重要性。在详细阐述现代印度的人类学的背景材  相似文献   

3.
印度的部落     
(一)简介在印度社会制度中部落占很重要的地位,它属于最落后的阶层。在全世界就部落分布而言,印度是部落人口较多的国家之一。印度部落的发展情况各有不同。他们与文明社会的人比,极为落后。人类学家给他们以不同的名称:如土著人、原始民族、山  相似文献   

4.
缅甸的印度人   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
林锡星 《世界民族》2002,5(2):65-69
印度人很早就迁移到缅甸 ,并且对缅甸的文化有深远的影响。这些早期的印度移民已逐渐与缅甸各民族混同一起。缅甸现在的印度居民是近代由印度移入的。 1 885年 ,缅甸沦为英国殖民地 ,并被划为英属印度的一个省。从那时起便有许多印度人迁居缅甸。在这些移民中 ,有些人是由英国人带往缅甸从事低级工作以补缅甸劳动力的不足 ;另一些人则是羡慕缅甸较高的生活水平而移居的。缅甸曾经是印度移民最多的国家之一 ,缅甸的印度人从 1 872年的 1 3 .7万人猛增至 1 891年的 42 .1万人 ,高峰时期的 1 93 1年达到 1 0 1 .8万人。但是 ,在第二次世界大战…  相似文献   

5.
英国殖民统治时期,一些在印度的推力和新加坡的引力综合作用下,印度人以契约劳工或自由移民的身份来到新加坡,在市政工程、服务行业以及商业中扮演了重要角色,为英国殖民统治时期的新加坡实现经济的持续发展和繁荣做出了一定的贡献。  相似文献   

6.
印度人移民菲律宾已有两百多年的历史,他们主要是来自旁遮普地区信奉锡克教的锡克人和来自英属印度信德省信奉印度教的信德人。在与印度宗教文化、习俗截然不同的社会环境里,菲律宾印度人进行了一定的文化调适,在自觉或不自觉中逐渐融入当地主流社会,缩小与菲律宾主体民族之间的社会、文化鸿沟。  相似文献   

7.
印度是个多民族的国家,素有“民族博物馆”之称。据统计,仅土著民族就有五百余支以上。他们大多属于印度的古老民族。后来,由于某些原因,才移居到了山区和森林地带。他们属少数民族,现在还比较落后,处于落后的社会发展阶段,其社会风俗千奇百怪,在不同程度上还保持着原始文明。这对了解和研究人类社会发展史提供了条件。因此,自18世纪中叶以来,印度国内外人类学家们一直对此很重视。印度少数民族数量很大,有几百个以上。据1991年统计,共有 5400万人,约占全国人口的 7.29%左右,各少数民族人口数量多少不等,相差悬殊。人…  相似文献   

8.
印度民族性格是数千年来在特定的宗教文化氛围中熏陶出来的,其中构成印度民族主体的印度教徒的信仰与文化,在印度民族性格形成过程中起到了决定性的作用。印度教民族崇尚真理、宽容与非暴力、理想主义与浪漫主义、个人主义、等级观念、淡漠历史、业报轮回和文化自豪与民族自尊等理念和观念,对整个印度民族性格的形成,以及印度国家的政治、经济、社会、文化、军事与外交等方面,都产生了重大而深远的影响。  相似文献   

9.
钟小鑫 《世界民族》2022,(2):101-111
印度人及其文明在缅甸历史发展进程中扮演了重要角色,缅甸也因此被学界视为“东南亚的印度化国家”之一。缅甸印度人的社会角色与族群形象在不同时期经历了数次关键性转变,考察这些转变发生时的历史情境可以为理解当今缅甸的族群政治提供路径。本文考察了一则在缅甸广为流传的神话传说——岛彪神话的版本流变,关注其在缅甸王朝时代、殖民时代和当代语境中的表述差异,试图以此来透视缅甸印度人社群的历史变迁。本文认为,缅甸的印度人社群在历史变迁中经历了一个不断被化约的过程,他们从一个复杂的族群复合体逐渐被化约为充满负面意义的单向度人群。族群化约主义并非只发生在印度人社群之中,而是缅甸族群政治生成模式中的普遍性逻辑。  相似文献   

10.
印度东北地区的移民问题主要是原住居民与外来移民的冲突问题.此问题由来已久,不但造成该地区经济困难、社会秩序混乱,而且还诱发了分离主义与恐怖主义,危及印度国家领土与主权完整,影响南亚地区安全与稳定.鉴于印度东北地区与邻国人文、地理的相近性,印度民族政策失误造成的影响等因素,印度东北地区的移民问题短时间内难以从根本上得到解决.  相似文献   

11.
Runa Das 《Social Identities》2013,19(6):717-740
Through a comparative study of India and Pakistan's national security discourses, this article explores the linkages between post-colonial India and Pakistan's nationalist/communalist identities, configurations of masculinities, and gendered representations underpinning their nuclear (in)securities. This paper contends that the colonial politics of place-making in the sub-continent has not only inscribed a process of ‘othering’ between these states but has also facilitated the rise of divergent visions of post-colonial nationalisms, which, at each of their phases and with particular configurations of masculinities, have used women's bodies to re-map India-Pakistan's borders and national (in)securities. This article particularly draws attention to a new form of gendered manipulation in South Asian politics in the late 1990s, whereby both states, embedded in colonial notions of religious/cultural masculinities, have relied on discourses of Hindu/Indian and Muslim/Pakistani women's violence and protection from the ‘other’ to pursue aggressive policies of nuclearization. It is at this conjectural moment of a Hinduicized and Islamicized nationalism (flamed by the contestations of a Hindu versus an Islamic masculinity) that one needs to provide a feminist re-interpretation of India-Pakistan's nationalist identities, gendered imaginaries, and their re-articulation of national (in)securities – that represents a religious/gendered ‘otherness’ in South Asia's nuclear policies.  相似文献   

12.
海湾地区是巴基斯坦最重要的海外劳务输出目的地,这是由特殊的地缘因素与经济互补性所决定的。海湾劳工给巴基斯坦经济社会提供了发展助力,也折射出巴经济社会存在的结构性问题。“一带一路”建设的推进,尤其是“中巴经济走廊”的实施为巴基斯坦提供了造血能力,将有助于巴基斯坦经济成功转型,增加就业机会,提高自身吸纳劳动力的能力,减少向海湾的劳务输出。  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

In the context of Syria’s displacement, supranational ‘migration governors’ in the Arab region have sought – in different forms and capacities – to devise initiatives for responsibility sharing and to reinforce the capacity of Syria’s Arab neighbours to deal with refugee inflows. While the case of Syria’s displacement has witnessed the proliferation of collaborative networks, institutional complexity has yielded low effectiveness for the governance of such large-scale displacement in Syria’s neighbourhood. Supranational bodies have formulated dissonant frameworks and agendas. In the context of securitised responses to displacement, the discourse has not reflected the realities of refugee assistance and protection. Multi-level policy frameworks need to be embedded in the region’s geopolitical field of migration governance and refugee protection. While colliding policy arenas are to be grounded within the region’s historical trajectory of migration politics, an understanding of their effects requires gaining an insight into how they have interacted with the various refugee-hosting Arab states, influenced their refugee discourse, and impacted the issue of refugee assistance and protection on the ground.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

This article examines the mobilities of ideas in the context of sacred spaces in India and transnational flows of trends and services. Mobile subjects on the global stage are still bound by immobile concerns, such as their homes. In this article I examine the anxieties of India’s globally mobile middle and elite classes through their efforts to make their gated multi-storey residences compliant with an ancient form of spatial spirituality: vastu shastra. Now common in advertisements for luxury apartments, I argue that vastu compliance is a form of liquid spirituality that is part and parcel of the privatisation of the urban landscape and the replacement of fixed or local sacred spaces and those that dwell around them: homeless or ‘occupying’ mendicants. In between these two polar opposite mobile subjects of the elite and the mendicant are vastu consultants who derive a living from their knowledge and practice of a form of liquid spirituality growing in popularity around the world.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

Since 2009, there has been a noticeable increase in the number of students from EU’s newer member states, who enrol as full-degree students at Danish universities. Attracted by the fee-free access to highly ranked universities, these students often arrive with dreams of creating better lives for themselves, and of accumulating Western educational capital. Students from the EU’s newer member states are usually reliant on jobs to sustain themselves in Denmark. However, many find it hard to get regular jobs, and some of them become trapped in semi-legal employment or in low-status, low-paid jobs. Drawing on empirical material collected during a long-term ethnographic fieldwork among full-degree students attending English-medium MA-programmes at a Danish university, this article explores how students from the EU’s newer member states make sense of their lives as students and workers in Denmark, and how they respond to experiences of unequal access to student jobs.  相似文献   

16.
国曦今 《民族学刊》2016,7(4):34-38,106-109
The Myth of the State is Ernst Cassirer’s last works. In this book, he reveals the myth of modern politics, and examines the genera-tion of totalitarianism. In Cassirer’s view, the myth and language of early times reflects intuitive human cognition, when humans and gods lived within the order of myth. When philosophy arose, the gods retreated, and people become the first principle. Although Plato created the concept of the ideal state, in the Middle Ages,God again replaced ra-tionality, and the secular state was under the di-vine order of God. After Machiavelli’s reforms, the secular state won independence from the divine or-der, and history’s replacement it with rationality became the first principle. Until Hegel’s objective idealism combined history and rationality, realistic countries became not only the care takers of abso-lute spirit, but also the ultimate form of history. Actual states were like living gods, because of no constraints, it finally was utilized by totalitarian ambitions. In his book, Cassirer reveals that cul-ture restricts the state’s power. However, he does not think that power could legislate itself. Instead, it is only the construction within the order of either culture, rationality or history, that states can con-firm their own positions.  相似文献   

17.
Many states question how to manage burgeoning migration. This is particularly problematic for ethnic states whose foundation myths imagine the state as the home for the nation. In this paper, we argue that ethnic states engage a type of defense mechanism, ‘reaction formation’, as part of migration policy to distract attention from threats to the claimed ethnic homogeneity that undergirds the reason for the state's existence. Using Israel as a case of a planned ethnic state, we show how a state develops a spectrum of membership models to incorporate ‘others’ into the nation-state. We suggest that Israel could conceivably devise some arrangement to incorporate the several hundred thousand labor migrants currently resident there. We argue that the state is reluctant to recognize these migrants as ‘Israeli’ because to do so would reveal a hidden truth: Israel may be becoming more Israeli than Jewish and, thus, the recognition of labor migrants and their children provokes questions about Israel's very reason for existence, that is, being a Jewish state.  相似文献   

18.
徐铭 《民族学刊》2012,3(3):24-28,100-101
扎巴藏族的母系制走婚习俗,历史文献包括当代的道孚县志都无记载.冯敏《扎巴藏族——21世纪人类学母系制社会田野调查》一书的“婚姻”部分首次运用人类学方法详细考察了扎巴藏族母系制走婚习俗与父系制初期的婚姻家庭形态,并讨论其对人类婚姻体系演进史的意义、对偶婚比走婚进步的意义以及母系制婚姻存在的解释.透过该书的材料可以发现,扎巴藏族婚姻的变异与男女分工及社会经济状况、国家的婚姻法和计划生育政策紧密相关.面临村寨搬迁的扎巴藏族要妥善安置,不要影响如母系制婚姻家庭的人伦关系.  相似文献   

19.
As globalisation becomes more and more familiar in our everyday lives, one readily visible phenomenon is the increasing number of migrants from outside the borders of nation states. This influx of migrants inevitably makes societies more complicated racially and culturally, and a ‘multi-racial’ or ‘multi-cultural’ society is no longer the monopoly of migrant societies such as the United States or Australia. This spread of multi-racial and multi-cultural societies in the world, however, does not mean that we have achieved racial and cultural co-existence (among nationals, and needless to say between host society and migrants) without hierarchies. In the face of a constant flow of migrants, both the host states and host societies need to control migrants, to ensure that migrants will co-exist with the host society as the host society wishes. Hierarchy and difference need to be created and maintained by the host society to control the influx of migrants in their everyday life. This paper explores how Singapore society draws a border between itself and female migrant domestic workers. For this purpose, it examines both everyday discourses of Singaporean employers about female migrant domestic workers and the efforts of the Singapore Muslim Converts’ Association to teach such workers to become ‘good Muslims'.  相似文献   

20.
The rise of ethnic struggles in various parts of the world, particularly in the post-colonial period, is an intriguing phenomenon. Having the consciousness of primordial origins, indigenous communities have pursued ethnic mobilizations along different lines in order to achieve the goals of social and economic uplift. This paper focuses on the Rajbanshi, one such community living in northeast India, as they offer an opportunity to study history and ethnic identity formation as the dynamics behind their current situation. From the standpoint of applied anthropology, processes of social change and activism intended to improve the lot of Rajbanshi communities are evaluated. Given their obscure origins, cultural diversity and divided political struggle, the Rajbanshi are far from achieving their goal of pursuing better lives. Strategies of Sanskritization and ‘sons-of-the-soil’ indigeneity have not reaped the desired results in terms of social and economic development. Furthermore, discourses rooted in immigrant-aboriginal binaries and theoretical dichotomies of primordialism–constructivism fail to make sense of this community's experience and are not helpful in guiding them toward meaningful and fruitful political and social change.  相似文献   

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