Social Desirability Effects and Support for a Female American President

Public opinion polls show consistently that a substantial portionof the American public would vote for a qualified female presidentialcandidate. Because of the controversial nature of such questions,however, the responses may suffer from social desirability effects.In other words, respondents may be purposely giving false answersas not to violate societal norms. Using an unobtrusive measurecalled the "list experiment," we find that public opinion pollsare indeed exaggerating support for a female president. Roughly26 percent of the public is "angry or upset" about the prospectof a female president. Moreover, this level of dissatisfactionis constant across several demographic groups. Received for publication June 5, 2006. Revision received September 11, 2006. Accepted for publication October 25, 2006.     

Sex Differences in Attitude Expression: A Generational Explanation

Females have consistently shown higher DK response rates thanmales in surveys. Using the 1972 Center for Political StudiesNational Election Study, this sex difference is shown to bea largely generational phenomenon which is much greater amongolder than younger respondents. It also declines at higher levelsof political knowledge and interest. Finally, using the CPS1972–76 national panel, DK response rate shows high test-retestreliability.     

Publication trends of interlocking directorate studies

The rate of publication of interlocking directorate research in recent years is examined. The data show that the rate of reporting research on interlocking directorates has been leveling off since 1983. Methodological, theoretical, and sociology of knowledge explanations of this trend are provided. The future of interlocking directorate research is discussed, and theoretical reasons are posited to show that there is a need to continue these studies. Suggestions for future research are also offered. He is doing his dissertation research on the influence of economic and political factors on declining unionism in the United States.     

Bringing Registration into Models of Vote Overreporting

Voting is a socially desirable act and a basic form of politicalparticipation in the United States. This social desirabilitysometimes leads respondents in surveys, such as the NationalElection Study (NES), to claim to have voted when they did not.The methodology of previous studies assumes that people onlyoverreport voting and that the sample of potential overreporters(i.e., nonvalidated voters) is not systematically differentfrom the sample of potential voters. In this research note,we explore several different ways of examining the determinantsof overreporting at two different stages (registering and voting)and with a consideration for selection bias. Comparing the traditionalprobit model used in previous research with sequential and heckitprobit models, we find that the determinants of overreportingregistering and voting differ substantially. In addition, thereis a significant selection effect at the registration stageof overreporting. We conclude with a discussion of contemporaryimplications for pre-election polling and the postelection analysisof survey data. Received for publication April 20, 2005. Revision received April 25, 2006. Accepted for publication October 17, 2006.     

The Variable Nature of the Gender Gap in Political Knowledge

ABSTRACT

Previous research demonstrates that long-standing gender gaps in political knowledge are often a function of measurement artifacts. This article examines two potential measurement issues – question content and format – to determine whether gender differences in knowledge are sensitive to decisions we make when choosing and constructing knowledge measures. Using an original survey from the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), we demonstrate that, while expected gender differences exist when we ask traditional knowledge questions, these gender gaps are ameliorated when we employ items that measure knowledge about women in politics. We also examine gendered response patterns regarding “don’t know” responses, which can deflate women’s knowledge levels. Finally, we examine the determinants of political knowledge for women and men, and uncover an important role for political interest in shaping women’s knowledge levels. These results suggest that scholars should take steps to create political knowledge measures that can most accurately gauge the political capacities of women and men.     

Like Mother, Like Daughter: Intergenerational Transmission of DK Response Rates

Attitude expression (and its opposite, DK response rate) isan important personal and political characteristic which isrelated to an individual's psychological and demographic traits.It is also transmitted from parent to child. In fact, it istransmitted to a greater degree than other political attitudesexamined here, with the exception of partisanship. Owing tothe fact that males show higher levels of attitude expression,and because this tendency is reinforced by cultural norms, thetransmission process for attitude expression is conditionedby the sex of child and of parent. Compared with the father'simpact, mothers are particularly influential in transmittingattitude expression to daughters. While fathers have a somewhatstronger effect on sons than do mothers, the difference is substantiallysmaller.     

Effects of Filter Questions in Public Opinion Surveys

Extending previous work, the authors find that the wording ofa filter question can make a significant difference in the percentageof "don't know" (DK) responses elicited by an item, especiallywith topics that are more abstract or less familiar to surveyrespondents. They also find, however, that the content of anitem can have a substantial, independent effect on DK or "noopinion" responses, regardless of how the filter question isworded. In general, it appears that the less familiar the issueor topic, the greater the increase in DK responses producedby adding a filter. Even more important, the analysis showsthat filtering can in some instances dramatically affect theconclusions a pollster would draw about the distribution ofpublic opinion on an issue. Indeed, such effects may occur moreoften than has previously been suspected, though the circumstancesunder which they emerge remain elusive. The authors suggestthat such effects may become amenable to analysis by probingrespondents about "what they had in mind" as they answered thequestion.     

Witnessing the effects of political violence in families: mechanisms of intergenerational transmission and clinical interventions

In this era of globalization, when news about political violence can haunt anyone, anywhere, those whose families have suffered political violence in the past are particularly vulnerable to current distress. Skilled in understanding transgenerational processes, family therapists need to be familiar with the mechanisms by which children are exposed to the effects of political violence suffered by their elders-that is, the ways in which they become their witnesses. This article presents a framework for understanding how the trauma of political violence experienced in one generation can "pass" to another that did not directly experience it, and proposes a model to guide clinical intervention.     

The political transnationalism of Ecuadorians in Barcelona,Madrid and Milan: the role of individual resources,organizational engagement and the political context

In this article, we examine the transnational political engagement of Ecuadorians in three European cities – Barcelona, Madrid and Milan. Drawing on previous studies that emphasize the role of organizational and institutional resources for political mobilization (as well as those that take into consideration respondents’ resources and the migration process), we analyse the results of a survey conducted between 2006 and 2008 on approximately 300 Ecuadorian individuals in each of these three cities. We examine two different dimensions of Ecuadorian political transnationalism at the individual level, namely attitudinal and participatory. Contrary to previous findings, our results show that recently arrived Ecuadorians and those with less stable household conditions are more involved in transnational politics. Associational involvement shows multiple effects. Engagement in Ecuadorian associations fosters political interest in and information about Ecuador, whereas involvement in any organization promotes electoral transnational politics. The political context is only relevant when accounting for participation in Ecuadorian elections.     

"DON'T KNOW" BOXES IN FACTUAL QUESTIONS IN A MAIL QUESTIONNAIRE: EFFECTS ON LEVEL AND QUALITY OF RESPONSE

This article summarizes the findings of an experiment to evaluatethe effect of "Don't Know" (DK) boxes in a mail questionnaireconsisting of factual questions. In a split-panel test, halfof the respondents received a questionnaire with DK boxes andthe other half received a questionnaire without DK boxes. Theoverall response rates were the same for the two versions. Thequestionnaire version without DK boxes obtained an appreciablyhigher rate of substantive responses for many items. However,there were few large substantive changes in response distributionsbetween the two versions, and there was no appreciable differencein the response error rates.     

From Civic Participation to Political Participation

This study examines the long-held argument that civic participation transfers to political participation, as expressed by South Korean citizens. Compared to the majority of existing research that has focused primarily on Western developed countries, the present study examines South Korea, to which little scholarly attention has been devoted. Relying on the World Values Survey (2005–2006 wave), the present study finds that in South Korea, civic participation outside of the political sphere does push individuals to be more politically active. However, the results also demonstrate that there are more questions that need to be resolved. First, when the analysis unpacked the dependent variable—political participation—the relationship between civic engagement and attending demonstrations or signing petitions is robust. However, this is not the case for joining boycotts or taking part in voting. Moreover, when unpacking the independent variable—civic participation—this study finds that not every type of civic organization spawns political participation. There is a positive impact of non-political organizations, such as art, music, or charitable organizations, on political participation, while a negative impact exists for interest-based and political organizations, such as professional associations or environmental organizations.     

Scriptes de la démocratie : les sténographes et rédacteurs des débats (1848-2005)

The history and sociology of a special group of civil servants are presented, namely: stenographers in parliament, an occupation closely tied to the history of parliamentary government in most democracies. During the xixth century, French stenographers proposed their services to legislative bodies. They tested and validated their theoretical systems and know-how while promising to contribute to a much higher public good: the publication of parliamentary proceedings, a necessity for defining and developing democracy. Following a system for recording proceedings that was close to the British liberal model, a corps of stenographers was established in 1848, and then again under the Third Republic-without interruption up till 2004. The duty of these civil servants was to produce the full, official account of parliamentary proceedings, which would serve as proof for the press and for history. Based on original material drawn from sociology and history, this inquiry seeks to see how institutions are shaped, produced and reproduced through the knowledge and deeds that incarnate values and shape institutions. Besides the publication of parliamentary proceedings, the technical, material and social conditions are discussed that led the National Assembly to become a political institution.     

Internet use,political knowledge and youth electoral participation in Australia

Almost since its inception, the internet has been seen as a means of reinvigorating political knowledge and engagement among the young. Early studies showed small but significant effects for internet use and increased political knowledge among the young. Using a large, national election survey conducted in Australia in 2013, this paper examines the role of the internet in shaping political knowledge among the young and, in turn, its effects on electoral participation. The results show that use of the internet during an election campaign significantly increases political knowledge among the young, and that such political knowledge enhances the likelihood of turning out to vote. Overall, the results extend the findings of other studies which have demonstrated the potential of the internet to re-engage young people into the political process.     

How Political Is the Personal? Gender Differences in the Level and the Structure of Political Knowledge

ABSTRACT

In this research note we report on the results of an experimental study among 469 respondents in Belgium. The study shows that the familiar gender differences in political knowledge can be substantially reduced when including more questions on female politicians. Using confirmatory factor analysis and item response theory measurements, we can observe that the structure of political knowledge is identical for women and men implying that women and men do not have different conceptions of what constitutes the political domain. Both for women and men, “personal items” (in this case: The correct name of the new baby of the female vice-prime minister) were shown to load strongly and one dimensionally with the more traditional institutional political knowledge questions. It seems that women and men respond in the same manner to information about the personal lives of politicians.     

The political use of the internet: Some insights from two surveys of Italian students

Interest in the Internet's impact on political participation has grown over the last five years. The main claim of most social scientists is to consider the Internet as a new resource for political engagement. However, this claim has not always been backed up by empirical analysis. The aim of this article is to provide empirical evidence on a subject that previous surveys on the Internet have generally ignored: the influence of individual political characteristics on Internet use. The authors compare data from two distinct surveys, carried out in two different periods but which contain some common batteries of questions referring to political participation and Internet use for political purposes. One survey was carried out in 2001 and focused on students at the University of Florence. The second was carried out in 2002 and focused on the participants in the European Social Forum in Florence. The empirical results and interpretations offered are based on a sample of 397 students, extracted from the two databases. The focus of the research is on exploring whether and how the political use of the Internet is shaped by the political characteristics of users, in this case students. The findings of the two studies suggest that, firstly, the more students are engaged in different social and political organizations, the more they use the Internet to achieve political purposes; and, secondly, that different styles of Internet use (to retrieve alternative information, to discuss and to perform political actions) are associated with the political characteristics of users. In particular, the characteristics of offline participation are reproduced online: the Internet is appropriated and shaped by political practices of users.     

Five Debates on International Development: The US Perspective

Andrew S. Natsios was Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development until January 2006. The US has the largest aid programme in the world but labours under certain constraints, notably a proliferation of Congressionally‐imposed budget earmarks. Mr Natsios has been an articulate advocate as well as an outspoken reformer of the US approach to aid. It was appropriate, then, for the All‐Party Parliamentary Group on Overseas Development of the Westminster parliament, together with ODI, to invite him to speak in Parliament on 12 October 2005. ¹ 1 The audio of Andrew Natsios' speech, and the subsequent discussion, are available on the ODI website at http://www.odi.org.uk/speeches/apgood_oct05/apgood_oct12/index.html .
The present article, a version of that APGOOD speech revised by Mr Natsios since his November resignation, has been judged by DPR Editors to be an important development policy statement worthy of publication. Adrian Hewitt     

Deconstructing Reparative Therapy: An Examination of the Processes Involved When Attempting to Change Sexual Orientation

Reparative therapy is a process through which reparative therapists believe they can and should make heterosexuals out of homosexuals. At the present time, most professional regulating bodies have banned the use of reparative therapy. In addition, reparative therapy is not supported by any reliable quantitative or qualitative studies. In spite of the lack of empirical substantiation, reparative therapists continue to practice, arguing that prior quantitative studies, as well as client self-determination, validate their methods. With a knowledge base originally grounded in psychoanalytic theory, current applications of reparative therapy cross not only scientific and psychological, but also social, political, and religious boundaries. The current trend promoting reparative therapy occurs through the conglomeration of the social, political, and religious dimensions of organizations that champion the cause of creating former homosexuals. Persons who identify as former homosexuals espouse the saving graces of a mixture of reparative therapy with various forms of religious counseling, on occasion offered by faith-based providers. The purpose of this paper is shed new light on the process and theory behind reparative therapy. This paper will attempt to provide social work clinicians with the knowledge necessary to understand and formulate an informed opinion about the use of reparative therapy for homosexuality.     

EXPERIMENTS WITH THE MIDDLE RESPONSE ALTERNATIVE IN SURVEY QUESTIONS

A series of experiments shows (1) that people are significantlymore likely to select the middle response alternative on anissue when it is explicitly offered to them as part of the questionthan when it is omitted; (2) that merely mentioning that thereis a middle alternative, in the preface to the question, makesit more likely that respondents will select it, even thoughit is not offered to them as an explicit choice; (3) that theorder in which the middle alternative is presented in the question—inthe middle or last position—can make a significant differencein the results, but that a "recency bias" does not occur invariably,or consistently; and (4) that people who select a middle responsealternative when it is offered would not necessarily answerthe question in the same way as other respondents if forcedto choose sides on the issue.     

The Cycle of Deprivation: Myths and Misconceptions

The year 2006 marked the 30th anniversary of the publication of Michael Rutter and Nicola Madge's Cycles of Disadvantage (1976). As such, it provides an opportunity to take stock of debates over an alleged cycle of deprivation, both in the 1970s, and more recently. This article seeks to use historical methods in order to outline some areas in which a historical perspective can add significantly to existing knowledge on this topic of enduring interest. In particular, it explores five myths or misconceptions: firstly, that we know the origins of the cycle of deprivation hypothesis, secondly, that we know what happened in the course of the Research Programme, thirdly, that the Department of Health and Social Security supported the research; fourthly, that social scientists were interested in the cycle hypothesis and lastly, that there has been significant progress since 1976.     

The Embedding of Russian State-Sanctioned Multipolarity in the Post-Soviet Conjuncture

This article demonstrates the manner in which key Russian officials engaged with and propagated the notion of multipolarity in the wider post-Soviet conjuncture—first in the 1990s and intensively during Vladimir Putin's first two presidencies. I argue that this demonstrates an earlier disarticulation of neoliberalism, globalisation, unipolarity, and hegemony than that offered in the nascent ‘multipolar turn’ in the sub-disciplines of International Political Economy and International Relations. Embedding understandings of multipolarity that cohere to state strategy, key Russian officials invite us to efface the divide between academic and political practice when understanding how world order concepts are propagated and normalised. A multifaceted treatment of multipolarity does not render it analytically dubious; rather, it cements its importance as a common sense and ‘polysemic’ understanding of global political affairs serving an explicit political function.