中国大陆婚姻状况变迁及婚姻挤压问题分析

本文以2005年全国1％人口抽样调查数据为基础,通过城乡之间的比较,借助对婚姻挤压以及中国大龄未婚人口现象的系统描述来揭示其存在的特征和后果。婚姻挤压和大龄未婚现象既与个人因素有关,同样受到社会结构变迁的影响,不仅在性别上有所差异,城乡之间也存在较大差别,农村未婚女青年的比例较低,最多的大龄未婚女青年集中在城市。而婚姻迁移和社会对于男女两性的期望不同将会对新的婚姻挤压问题造成进一步的冲击。     

性别失衡背景下大龄未婚男性的商业性行为——基于中国农村地区的研究发现

基于2008年安徽省CH市JC区的调查数据,通过与同年龄段已婚男性的对比,对性别失衡背景下中国农村大龄未婚男性的商业性行为、安全套使用情况及其影响因素进行分析。研究发现,在中国性别失衡背景下,男性婚姻挤压导致大龄未婚男性难以获取正常、稳定的性行为,商业性行为作为一种有效的替代和弥补方式,其发生率在农村地区的大龄未婚男性当中存在显著升高的可能性;相对于较高的商业性行为发生率而言,大龄未婚男性的安全套使用率处于较低的水平,使得大龄未婚男性的商业性行为具有高风险特征。     

大龄未婚对农村男性主观福利影响评估研究——来自CGSS2010的经验证据

利用CGSS2010调查数据,本文应用倾向得分匹配方法处理婚姻状况自选择效应,定量评估了大龄未婚对我国农村大龄男性主观福利的影响.在反事实概念框架下,大龄未婚对我国农村男性有着不显著的负面影响.可能的解释是,幸福的婚姻需要一定的社会经济资源保障,仅靠婚姻本身难以显著提升农村大龄未婚男性主观福利.在努力降低性别比例失衡的同时,有必要出台政策改善农村大龄男性社会经济状况以提高他们的主观福利.     

中国男性婚姻挤压的态势与特征——基于第七次全国人口普查数据的分析

基于第七次全国人口普查数据并结合第四、五、六次全国人口普查数据,全面分析近年来中国男性婚姻挤压的态势与特征。研究表明,男性婚姻挤压现象及其后果已全面显现：2010～2020年全国婚龄人口性别比急剧升高,预计2036年将升至峰值116.13;与以往主要集中在社会经济发展较为落后的地区不同,当前经济发达且城镇化率较高地区的未婚男性过剩现象也逐步显现;男性婚姻挤压导致男女两性间初婚水平和模式的差异巨大,男性初婚概率较女性明显偏低,未婚男性成婚期望年数大幅增加;农村大龄未婚男性的规模始终较大、比例始终较高,城镇大龄未婚男性群体也日益凸显,2010～2020年45岁及以上城镇未婚男性由176.04万人增至387.77万人;大龄未婚男性的经济资源相对匮乏,对最低生活保障金的依赖加重,在老年阶段处于不健康状态的比例上升且独居比例较高。     

农村大龄未婚男性的婚姻困境:基于性别不平等视角的认识

大龄未婚男性的婚姻困境是在中国农村普婚制社会下长期存在的现象。文章利用全国性的专项调查、主流媒体报道和实地调查数据,从婚姻市场上的性别不平等视角来研究农村大龄男性的婚姻困境。宏观数据分析显示,用性别结构失衡来解释农村大龄男性的婚姻剥夺显得原发性因果关系不强和实证性不足,而简单地以贫困概括农村大龄男性婚姻困境的主因并没有充分考虑婚姻的本质和功能。基于性别不平等的理论视角和实证研究,认为婚姻市场上性别不平等对贫困男性婚姻困境的影响远比人口性别结构失衡的影响更为直接和重要,农村大龄男性的婚姻困境具有独立于个体内因的社会经济结构性的成因。     

中国大龄未婚人口现象存在的原因及对策分析

本文从界定独身不婚这一婚姻行为入手,通过对中国大龄未婚人口现象的系统描述来认识其存在的特征和后果,在分析原因的基础上为解决中国大龄未婚人口问题提出相应的对策。笔者认为,中国大龄女性未婚人口现象的存在是和适婚男性非理性的“下娶”相联系的,而大龄男性成婚难则应该归因于适婚女青年理性的“高攀”和跨地区婚姻流动以及自身相对低下的社会经济条件     

大龄未婚男性的生理与心理福利

中国大量农村大龄未婚男性与社会安全之间的关系引起国内外政府和学术界的深切关注。通过分析国外对大龄未婚男性的研究文献,总结国外大龄未婚男性的生理、心理状况以及影响生理和心理状况的重要变量——社会网络与支持状况。国外研究的方法、思路和结论都能为中国深入研究农村大龄未婚男性群体自身的福利和该群体与社会安全的关系提供借鉴和启示,今后的研究应该以与已婚者进行比较的方法,从大龄未婚者的生理和心理福利着手来进行。     

婚姻挤压对农村流动男性养老意愿的影响——基于压力应对理论的分析

我国农村持续的性别失衡带来严重的男性婚姻挤压,对家庭养老造成不利影响。本文利用2009年福建省X市的农村流动人口调查数据,基于压力应对理论分析主客观婚姻挤压对农村流动男性养老意愿的影响。分析发现,在面对未来养老压力时,客观存在的婚姻挤压现状比主观遭受婚姻挤压更能构成养老压力源,大龄未婚男性拥有的养老资源少于已婚男性,因此大龄未婚男性更容易采用消极的退行方式应对养老,即不为养老做任何准备。     

农村大龄未婚男性社会保障需求与供给分析

在构建农村大龄未婚男性社会保障需求量测算模型的基础上,对相关统计数据和抽样调查资料进行了处理,测算出农村大龄未婚男性人均社会保障需求量和社会保障需求总量;比较了农村大龄未婚男性和已婚男性的社会保障实施现状,分析了农村大龄未婚男性社会保障供给现状及存在问题,提出了改进农村大龄未婚男性社会保障需求的对策建议。     

中国农村大龄未婚男性安全性行为倾向的影响因素：基于计划行为理论的研究

本文基于计划行为理论,研究了受到婚姻挤压的农村大龄未婚男性安全套使用倾向的心理因素和社会人口统计因素。数据来源于2008年8月-9月西安交通大学人口与发展研究所在安徽JC区开展的＂农村大龄男性生殖健康和家庭生活调查＂。Logistic回归分析结果显示,积极的互动态度、较高的性伴规范,较高的知觉行为控制和首次性行为中使用了安全套的经历与大龄未婚男性安全套使用倾向显著正相关。此外,较小年龄组的未婚男性更倾向于使用安全套。本研究结果有助于我们更好地理解农村大龄未婚男性安全套使用机制,能为促进农村地区安全性行为的干预项目提供理论借鉴和支持。     

Child marriage in India]

Child marriages have been practiced in India for thousands of years. Even though its popularity has now decreased due to changes in law and society, it is still a major problem, causing a great deal of hardship. Even though laws prohibited child marriage as early as 1860, statistics show that, on the average, Indians marry very young (1972: females at age 17; males at age 22 years of age; 34 females and 13 males under age 15). The following are incentives to marry young and have large families: 1) religion teaches that only those with descendants go to heaven; 2) unmarried women are traditionally scorned; and 3) most importantly, economic reasons encourage people to have large families as soon as possible, e.g., male children are encouraged to marry to obtain the dowry as soon as possible and children are considered a source of income in India. Child marriage in India causes the following problems: 1) a high infant mortality rate, as much as 75% in rural areas; 2) an imbalance in the male to female ratio (1901: 970 females/1000 males; 1971: 930 females/1000 males) because women who marry young tend to lose their health earlier; 3) a population explosion: in 1971, the Indian population was found to be increasing at the rate of 225/1000.     

Economic opportunities,marriage squeezes and the propensity to marry: An economic analysis of period marriage rates in England and Wales

An economic model of the decision to marry has been developed by Gary Becker and is now part of the ‘new home economics’. From it one can deduce that the propensity to marry is a function of the relative earning capacities of men and women, the relative scarcity of unmarried persons of the opposite sex and real income. The effects of changes in these variables on the annual first marriage rates of men aged 16–19, 20–24 and 25–29 and women aged 16–19 and 20–24 respectively are estimated over the post-war period. It is found that women's earning capacity relative to men's has a particularly strong negative effect on marriage rates, and that the decline in first marriage rates during the 1970s was primarily attributable to the growing economic opportunities for women. As demographic studies have suggested, the relative numbers of bachelors and spinsters of particular ages (‘marriage squeezes’) also have a significant impact, and there is evidence of substitution in the ages of marriage partners in response to such ‘squeezes’. The income elasticity of marriage is only found to be significant among men below age 25 and women below age 20, and it increases as we move down the age distribution. This suggests the ‘liquidity constraints’ influence the timing of marriage among young people. In sum, this economic model is able to account for over 90 per cent of the post-war variation in young persons' marriage rates.     

The Gendered Double Standard of Aging in US Marriage Markets

Using data on marriages collected in most US states between 1970 and 1988, we show that the older men are when they marry, the more years senior to their brides they are, whether it is a first or higher‐order marriage. While older men with more education marry down in age slightly more than less educated older men, the pattern of men marrying further down if they marry later holds strongly for all education groups. We consider several possible explanations for the tendency of men to marry further down in age if they are older at marriage. While we have no direct measure of physical attractiveness, we argue that the most compelling interpretation is that men, more than women, evaluate potential spouses on the basis of appearance. Because the prevailing standard of beauty favors young women, the older men are when they marry, the less they find women their own age attractive relative to younger women, leading them to marry further down in age if they are older at marriage. The consequence for women of men's preference for youth is more often that they remain unmarried than that they end up married to much older or less educated men.     

延边州农村大龄未婚男青年情况调查报告

随着经济和社会的发展,延边在人口方面出现了一些新情况和新问题,其中农村大龄男青年择偶难的问题尤为突出,边远山区和边境沿线更是如此。农村大龄男青年择偶难已成为社会潜在的不安定因素。农村大龄男青年择偶难的原因是多方面的,解决问题的关键是要通过本人、家庭、各级政府以及社会各方面的共同努力,帮助他们提高文化素质,提高致富能力,改变现状,改善他们的生活环境,帮助他们尽快解决择偶难问题。     

晚清东北地区人口婚姻状况探析

晚清时期,东北地区人口婚姻带有地域特色:已婚人口中女性婚配人口多于男性,婚龄普遍为早婚,且男小女大;未婚人口中,男性多于女性;男女终身不嫁的不婚人口很少,但男性较多;丧偶人口中,守寡女性占据绝大多数,鳏夫续娶较多,寡妇再嫁则很少;离婚人口中,有休妻、出妻等绝婚现象,但离婚人口很少。种种婚姻状况,主要是由于东北民族婚俗与陋习、东北移民人口的社会、经济状况决定的。     

Does It Matter What She Wants? The Role of Individual Preferences Against Unmarried Motherhood in Young Women’s Likelihood of a Nonmarital First Birth

Most young people in the United States express the desire to marry. Norms at all socioeconomic levels posit marriage as the optimal context for childbearing. At the same time, nonmarital fertility accounts for approximately 40 % of U.S. births, experienced disproportionately by women with educational attainment less than a bachelor’s degree. Research has shown that women’s intentions for the number and timing of children and couples’ intent to marry are strong predictors of realized fertility and marriage. The present study investigates whether U.S. young women’s preferences about nonmarital fertility, as stated before childbearing begins, predict their likelihood of having a nonmarital first birth. I track marriage and fertility histories through ages 24–30 of women asked at ages 11–16 whether they would consider unmarried childbearing. One-quarter of women who responded “no” in fact had a nonmarital birth by age 24–30. The ability of women and their partners to access material resources in adulthood were, as expected, the strongest predictors of the likelihood of nonmarital childbearing. Nonetheless, I find that women who said they would not consider nonmarital childbearing had substantially higher hazards of fertility postponement and especially of marital fertility, even after controlling for race/ethnicity, mother’s educational attainment, family of origin intactness, self-efficacy and planning ability, perceived future prospects, and markers of own educational attainment and work experience into early adulthood.     

Adolescent sexuality in Asia: new focus for population policy

As the age at marriage continues to rise in East and Southeast Asia, the fertility behavior of unmarried teenagers is receiving more attention from population policymakers. In addition to fertility reduction through family planning, Asian societies today consider population planning strategies in relation to national needs and social goals, including such matters as the population's growth rate, age structure, educational quality and skills. The number of single youth in Asia is growing much more rapidly than the total youth population. By the year 2010, for example, India is projected to have nearly 70 million single teenagers, aged 15-19, 188% more than in 1980. In many developing countries today, such as the Philippines and Korea, the rising age at marriage has combined with rapid urbanization, improved status for women, and more educational opportunity to alter both the behavioral norms of young people and the traditional means of social control over youth. Studies of contemporary adolescent sexuality have been conducted in 4 Asian countries. In the Philippines an overt independent youth homosexual culture was found to exist in urban and to some extent rural areas. In Thailand research revealed little conservative resistance to family planning or to contraceptives for young unmarried people. Surveys in Taiwan indicate that behavior related to dating and choice of spouse has become more liberal, and a survey in Hong Kong revealed a higher level of premarital sex and use of prostitutes among Chinese men than expected. Population policy perspectives that need to be considered in these changing times include: 1) issues of access to family planning services by unmarried people below the legal age of maturity; 2) the development of social institutions, such as exist in Thailand and the Philippines, to guide adolescents' behavior; 3) more extensive study of adolescent sexuality; 4) establishment of the scope of family policy.     

First-marriage decrement tables by color and sex for the United States in 1958–60

A new set of first-marriage tables is compared with earlier tables that were prepared by Grabill and Jacobson. The new tables show, among other things, the number of first marriages, first-marriage probabilities, and death probabilities for single persons in a stationary (life table) population by color and sex, based on 1960 Census data on marital status and age at first marriage and on general mortality rates for 1959-61. A comparison of the earlier tables with the new tables provides evidence of a decrease of one or two years in the average age at first marriage between 1920-40 and 1958-60 and an increasing tendency for first marriages to be concentrated within a narrower span of years. The prospects for eventual marriage have risen to the point where it is estimated that all but 3 to 5 percent of the young adults are expected eventually to marry. This development has gone so far that the main question remaining is not whether young people will ever marry, but at what age they will marry.     

性别比失衡对未来农村养老的影响

上世纪80年代以来开始出现的出生婴儿性别比失衡,将造成我国今后一段时期内的男性婚姻拥挤。导致相对落后的中西部农村大量婚龄男性难以婚配．最终将导致本世纪中叶以后这些地区出现大量终身未婚的单身老人,给农村养老带来挑战。合理地引导出生性别比回归正常,并因地制宜地发展农村养老保险。改革农村五保供养制度,加强和完善养老设施建设,将是我们应对这一未来挑战应做的准备工作。